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Autor/ica Poruka
 Naslov: Re: Turska
PostPostano: 14 lis 2014, 13:25 
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Pridružen/a: 05 lis 2010, 11:48
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Zar ovi nisu u gerili u brdima i planinama. Kakva im to naivna borba.

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 Naslov: Re: Turska
PostPostano: 25 lis 2014, 20:57 
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3 turska vojnika danas ubijena u sred grada od maskirnaih osoba. Likvidacija iz blizine. Ne liči na Kurde da sebi otežavaju situaciju, prije ISIL. Ali ostaje da vidimo.

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 Naslov: Re: Turska
PostPostano: 26 lis 2014, 23:26 
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Pridružen/a: 13 sij 2013, 15:27
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US journalist murdered after exposing Turkey’s support for the Islamic State -

http://pamelageller.com/2014/10/us-jour ... tate.html/


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 Naslov: Re: Turska
PostPostano: 27 lis 2014, 18:02 
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Jeste znali da je Turska vodeća u svijetu u zatvaranju i proganjanju novinara i reportera ? Ispred Kine i Irana.
Zadnjih par godina su da sakriju tu sramotu počeli ih proganjati duže po sudnicama i tjerati u bankrot.

Napiši nešto o Ergodanu da se ovom ne svidi svaki dan ti dolazi porezna i prebiru knjige (čitaj ometaju posao). Ako nastaviš sa tim ide suđenje i zatvor. Da nije bilo hrabrih novinara (i par poštenih osoba iz turske tajne službe) Erdogan bi potrovao Sirijce kemijskim oružjem da izazove napad zapada na Assada.

Tip sve više počinje ličiti na Saddama Huseina. Zaboravlja kako su Ameri brzo otkantali svog najvećeg "saveznika" u Egiptu, Mubaraka.

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 Naslov: Re: Turska
PostPostano: 27 lis 2014, 21:27 
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Pridružen/a: 13 sij 2013, 15:27
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http://speisa.com/modules/articles/inde ... nders.html


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 Naslov: Re: Turska
PostPostano: 28 lis 2014, 09:54 
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Pridružen/a: 20 sij 2012, 03:21
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BBC je napisao/la:
Turci popizdili na Washington Post i lijepe riječi o PKK a ružne o Turskoj. Ovi iz WP ne popuštaju.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wor ... ist-is-he/


BBC je napisao/la:
Turski vladini izvori za turske medije.

Citat:
‘Obama to Erdoğan: You are responsible if Kobani falls’
Wednesday 22 October, 2014 Leave a Comment

taraf_corridor_221014Under the headline of “Warning that opened corridor: You are responsible if it falls”, Taraf’s lead article on its front page today claims U.S. President Obama’s phone call on Sunday to President Erdoğan was more than what was reported, resulting in the sudden shift in Turkey’s attitude towards the besieged Syrian town of Kobani.

The opposition daily’s Ankara correspondent, Hüseyin Özay, referring to his trademark anonymous sources, reports that even though the official line given to the news media that Obama’s call was only to inform Turkey the U.S. was about to airdrop arms support to Kurdish fighters, this was not the case.

According to Özay’s sources in the Presidency, the Prime Ministry, the Foreign Minstry, and from the security forces, Obama told Erdoğan Kobani is about to fall under ISIS control, and that weapons and support from Iraqi Kurdish forces should be given as soon as possible.

Özay reports Erdoğan said in response that according to current laws, the PYD* has the status of a terrorist organisation, no different from the PKK, and in the event of Turkey giving support it would be committing a crime. According to the report, Obama recalled Erdoğan’s promises at the recent NATO summit and asked Turkey to give the support it promised in the fight against ISIS. Özay states that Obama warned Erdoğan that if Kobani falls, Turkey would be held responsible. Having been warned, Özay writes that then Turkey gave the green light to arms support and opening a corridor for help to arrive in Kobani.


BBC je napisao/la:
Prije nekoliko dana Erdogan izjavio da su napadi na ISIL samo zbog nafte. Ponijelo ga dobro pa je dosta prolupao. Jer ono što govori misli da mediji neće prenijeti.


Sva događanja u zadnje vrijeme su pokazala da Turska definitivno nije Europa i da ne može biti njezin dio.

Kako kaže turska književnica Ece Temelkuran:

Citat:
:: Je li Turska azijska ili europska zemlja?

Mislim da je azijska i da na mnogo načina postaje zemlja Bliskog istoka.

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 Naslov: Re: Turska
PostPostano: 28 lis 2014, 09:55 
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Pridružen/a: 20 sij 2012, 03:21
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Ece Temelkuran: Pobijedi li Erdoğan, pred Turskom su dramatične promjene

http://www.vecernji.hr/svijet/ece-temel ... ssr-954978

Republika Turska pod Erdoganom klizi u kalifat


http://www.vecernji.hr/svijet/republika ... fat-955186

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 Naslov: Re: Turska
PostPostano: 28 lis 2014, 10:56 
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Pridružen/a: 05 lis 2010, 11:48
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Njega krivo etiketiraju. On nije pan-osmanist, on je pan-islamist.

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 Naslov: Re: Turska
PostPostano: 31 lis 2014, 12:48 
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Dobro ih Erdogan unazadio. Opet će im trebati puno vremena da se vrate na prave tračnice.

slika

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 Naslov: Re: Turska
PostPostano: 31 lis 2014, 19:28 
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Ima jedan velik problem sa ovakvom politikom. Nijedna sunni grupacija na Bliskom Istoku ne želi tursko sunni liderstvo. Turci se troše i blamiraju na nešto od čega neće imati nikakve koristi, samo stvoriti mržnju prema sebi i probleme. A već su je stvorili puno.

Citat:
Is Turkey attempting to resurrect the Ottoman Empire on the back of the ‘black army’?

By: Catherine Shakdam
Published Wednesday, October 29, 2014

Turkey, a keen supporter of the now-vilified Muslim Brotherhood has been thus far in a position in which it can shrug off allegations its state policies have been crafted in a manner that benefits the terrorist group the world has come to know as the “Islamic State in Iraq and Syria,” or the “black army” in some circles. It has done so by arguing that it stands for democracy and freedom. However, US Vice President Joe Biden’s outburst in October somewhat blew the lid off this tightly closed Pandora’s box, shedding a new light on Turkey’s real intentions.

Following a speech at the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, US Vice President Biden clearly and unmistakably accused Ankara of abating terrorists – to forward its own hegemonic and political ambitions in the Middle East, and more specifically Syria. The implications of his comments is that Turkey is engineering religious radicalism as an ideological weapon to ignite a sectarian fracture and bring about a Turkish-designed Middle East.

“Our allies in the region were our largest problem in Syria,” Biden stated. “They [Turkey, Saudi Arabia and the UAE] were so determined to take down Assad,” he added, that in a sense they started a “proxy Sunni-Shia war” by pouring “hundreds of millions of dollars and tens, thousands of tons of weapons into anyone who would fight against Assad.”

Even though Biden was then forced to issue a retraction and an apology due to political pressure, his tirade uncovered a truth that many experts and political analysts have expressed as early as 2011.

This idea that a government, in this case Turkey, would be using terror and religious radicalism as a tool, a commodity to assert, serve and carry its goals, as well as manifest its predominance, is hardly groundbreaking. One only has to study history to understand that such tactics of indoctrination have been major powers’ weapon of choice across the ages. One particularly striking example comes to mind: The Crusades. Under the impetus of the Roman Catholic Church in the 11th century, European nations waged a series of wars against the so-called “infidels of Islam,” looking to reconquer the “holy land,” which happened to sit on immense wealth and geo-strategic gateways. This holy war, which was sold to the masses, was but an attempt to claim control over a lucrative commercial hub, the land of “milk and honey” as Pope Urban II put it at the time.

As it now appears – or, if you will, as the United States has portrayed and even confirmed – Turkey, under the leadership of its president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, has manipulated and crafted radicals into a veritable army in order to manifest its longing for regional domination, by way of resurrecting the Ottoman Empire.

Erdogan the sultan

In April 2013, Turkish writer Cinar Kiper said in The Atlantic that President Erdogan and his acolytes carried indeed a certain nostalgia for the Ottoman Empire and the political and religious formats which came with it. Kiper essentially argued that while Turkey has scoffed at allegations it is looking to renege its republican tradition to rise an empire again, changes at a social level indicate otherwise.

In an article published in August by The National, writer Piotr Zalewski underlined Turkey’s Islamic and hegemonic ambitions, thus defining what many have already branded Turkey’s neo-Ottoman strategy and policy.

Zalewski referenced comments made in 2009 by Ahmet Davutoglu, Turkey’s prime minister since August, in which he actually confirmed to the press that, “We are the new Ottomans” just before he became foreign minister.

“Whatever we lost between 1911 and 1923, whatever lands we withdrew from, we shall once again meet our brothers in those lands between 2011 to 2023.” – Ahmet Davutoglu, Turkish official “Whatever we lost between 1911 and 1923, whatever lands we withdrew from, we shall once again meet our brothers in those lands between 2011 to 2023,” Davutoglu was quoted as saying in 2012.
If a theme was to be found when discussing Turkey, both the word Ottoman and Islamic would adequately describe which directions President Erdogan has veered his country toward and more importantly which goals he wishes to achieve.

Just as Mustafa Kemal Atatürk came to symbolize the rise of Turkey as a modern republican state, President Erdogan is fast becoming a poster child for neo-imperialism.

In an interview with political analyst and well-known Etijah TV presenter Marwa Osman, she stressed that President Erdogan has steered Turkey onto a path he wishes will bring about the establishment of Turkey as the main driving religious and political force in the region.

“Erdogan sees himself as a man endowed with a mission. He is using terror and religious indoctrination as weapons to carve a new order in the Middle East. He believes that as long as he is pulling the string of terror, he stands to control the fall and rise of governments across the region and ultimately weave his web of control,” Osman stated. Adding, “There is another dimension to Erdogan and it has to do with his religious ideology. Erdogan, I believe, wants to reassert Turkey as the beating heart of Sunni Islam and reclaim the caliphate.”

The terror connection

If Saudi Prince Bandar bin Sultan has been labelled by some the “Prince of Terror” or the mastermind behind the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and other terrorist organizations in the Middle East and North Africa, President Erdogan is fast becoming a strong contender for such titles as his involvement with the “black army” has prompted many to raise concerned eyebrows.

In March 2013, before the attack on Kobane and Ankara’s inaction before the rise of ISIS, northern Syria became centre stage to a heated debate on Turkey’s ties with Islamic radicalism, journalist and Assyria TV editor Dikran Ego accused Turkey of directly supporting al-Qaeda and other radical groups in the region as part of its strategy for territorial expansion.

Looking back to May 2012, quite early on in ISIS’ advances in the region, Turkish Foreign Minister Davutoglu remarked to the press, “We will manage the wave of change in the Middle East. Just as the ideal we have in our minds about Turkey, we have an ideal of a new Middle East. We will be the leader and the spokesperson of a new peaceful order, no matter what they say,” pointing to Erdogan’s grand plan for the region. At the time, too few realised how exactly this “new order” will be brought about and more importantly under which banner it will be brought forth.

If the Egyptian government’s accusations against Turkey that Ankara has masterminded terrorism are any indications of broader regional concern, President Erdogan appears more and more to sit within the eye of a raging terror storm.

Recall that in September, Egypt’s Foreign Ministry issued a statement slamming Erdogan for his promotion of terrorism in the region. The statement read, “The Turkish President, who is keen to provoke chaos to sow divisions in the Middle East region through its support for groups and terrorist organisations … Whether political support or funding or accommodation in order to harm the interests of the peoples of the region to achieve personal ambitions for the Turkish president and revive illusions of the past."

Similarly, in April, investigative journalist Seymour Hersh echoed the Egyptian Foreign Ministry’s statement in an article in the London Review of Books titled, “The Red Line and the Rat Line,” alledging that Erdogan was behind the sarin gas attack in Ghouta to better drag Washington into Syria and use the US army as a powerful instrument to dispose of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.

More troubling yet, the very existence of the Free Syrian Army has also been pinned down to Turkey, raising some questions regarding the group’s intentions, motivations and methods, as described by Aron Lund, editor of the Carnegie Endowment for Peace’s Syria in Crisis Blog in, “The Free Syrian Army Doesn’t Exist.”

Turkey and President Erdogan’s links to terrorism have been many and well documented, yet no power, safe maybe from Syria, Iran and Egypt have openly voiced their rejection of it and warned of its repercussion prior to Ankara’ shadow games.

As lines have been blurred between ISIS militants, the Free Syrian Army and Turkey itself, all three appear as extensions of one another, the manifestations of the same will to engineer the inception of an Islamic state whose reach will encompass the MENA region and recreate the long lost Ottoman Empire.

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 Naslov: Re: Turska
PostPostano: 31 lis 2014, 22:48 
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Citat:
Turkey: Parliamentary question about Turkish soldiers' meeting IS militants

Turkey: Parliamentary question about Turkish soldiers' meeting IS militants

HDP Parliamentary Group chair Baluken has asked a question in the Turkish Parliament regarding Turkish soldiers meeting Islamic State IS group militants. He asked Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu to reply to the following question: “By whom was the order given to make contact and what was the subject of the contact?”

In the parliamentary question, Baluken drew attention to the fact that there have been numerous articles in the press both in Turkey and abroad regarding relations between Turkey and IS, and that the AKP government has yet to give satisfactory and sufficient answers regarding these contacts.

Baluken asked: "In spite of the Turkish President and yourself stating on many occasions that you have no relationship with the IS terror organisation, footage broadcast by the Dicle News Agency on 27.10.2014 has once again revealed a relationship between Turkey and IS. In the news item in question, Turkish soldiers and IS members are seen to meet at the Turkey-Syria border and say farewell to each other on 22.10.2014.”

“In the footage, the IS members burn and loot the property of citizens of Kobani in the Zorava area, then come to the border and speak to 7 soldiers who get out of 2 armed vehicles. After a half-hour meeting the IS members and soldiers bid each other farewell and leave the area.”

Baluken asked Davutoğlu to reply to the following questions:

"Who were the soldiers who met the IS members? Who gave the order and how was contact made?”

“Is there a legal basis for holding a meeting with armed IS militants? Or will legal action be taken against the personnel concerned?”

“What was discussed during this meeting? There is suspicion that an exchange of information and planning regarding the coordination of attacks on Kobani may have taken place. Are there central orders regarding this? Has an inquiry been launched regarding the soldiers involved?”

While the majority of world public opinion supports the resistance in Kobani, your government obstructs the passage of humanitarian and military aid sent by international powers to support the people of Rojava who are fighting IS. It is even resisting the opening of a corridor which is necessary for this aid. Are you aware of the problems this may create for Turkey in the medium and long term in domestic and foreign policy?”

“Teargas and water cannon are being used on villagers going to the Suruç border to support Kobani, while at the border Turkish army personnel are meeting IS members. Does this mean that you consider Turkey’s own citizens wanting to support the resistance in Kobani to be more dangerous that IS militants?”

“How frequently do such meetings take place?”

“Do you have data regarding such meetings? Has an inquiry been initiated concerning this issue that could result in Turkey being sent to the International Criminal Court on account of relations with IS, which is regarded as a terrorist organisation by the whole world?”

“Have any military, public or administrative personnel been suspended as a result of inquiries?”

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 Naslov: Re: Turska
PostPostano: 01 stu 2014, 10:57 
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Citat:
Turkey finds out one is the loneliest number

The Justice and Development Party (AKP) leaders who have ruled Turkey for the past 12 years generally ignore and sometimes deny the criticism that they have pushed Turkey into loneliness in the region and the world because of their foreign policies.

There is only a single reference of AKP officials accepting — with reservations and justifications of course — that they are the architects of Turkey’s loneliness. It is a 140-letter Turkish declaration in August 2013 in social media by Ibrahim Kalin, then-chief adviser to the prime minister. His tweet read: “The claim that Turkey is alone in the Middle East is not correct. But if this is a criticism then we must say. This is precious loneliness.”

The godfather of this so-called concept of “precious loneliness,” Kalin was appointed deputy secretary-general of the presidency after Recep Tayyip Erdogan was elected president. But AKP circles did not adopt his concept, and the child was abandoned and hoped to be forgotten.

This so-called preciousness Kalin attributed to Turkey’s loneliness could at least have had some boast of "standing on the right side of history at the risk of isolation and adhering to ethical superiority."

But in international relations, loneliness means the inability to set up alliances and failure to persuade international organizations to take action. To assert that this loneliness is an asset for Turkey is nothing more than a futile attempt at spin-doctoring.

I noted in an international meeting in Bodrum on Oct. 17-19 that Kalin’s “precious loneliness” concept, which was received with cynical smiles by the world at the time, has not been forgotten despite the passage of time.

A senior Western security official who was attending the 10th “Bodrum Round Table,” organized by prestigious Istanbul-based think tank Center for Economics and Foreign Policy Studies (EDAM), when talking on the unwillingness of Turkey to join the anti-IS coalition, posed a question: “Is Turkey being dragged to a dangerous loneliness?” I later found out that this “dangerous loneliness” warning by this official who didn’t want to be identified was actually a predetermined message. It wasn’t spontaneous. If Turkey’s loneliness really needed a modifier, that would obviously be not “precious” but “dangerous.”

To be in danger is in the nature of Turkey’s loneliness. Turkey with its policies, until the eruption of the IS crisis at its southern border, had already sentenced itself to loneliness in the region and world. Ankara, by exaggerating its affinity to the Muslim Brotherhood in its reactions to the July 3, 2013, coup in Egypt, had already confronted the new administration in Cairo as well as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Ankara’s Gaza and Hamas-focused Middle East policy had become a factor blocking a satisfactory solution to efforts of normalizing relations with Israel that were severed after the 2010 flotilla incident. After 2011, Ankara’s Syria policy, which sought to topple the Damascus regime and replace it with a Muslim Brotherhood-dominated government, brought Turkey into confrontation with Damascus-Baghdad-Tehran. As a result, the only country in the Middle East that Turkey has an alliance with is Qatar.

The AKP government opted to distance Turkey from the EU perspective and in general terms from the West and orient it to the Middle East as a strategy compatible with Ankara’s internal and external politics. The outcome was loneliness also in Europe.

In the General Assembly vote for two-year UN Security Council membership on Oct. 17, Turkey’s resounding defeat with 60 votes (against 132 votes for Spain) was noted as a dramatic illustration of Turkey's loneliness in international organizations as well.

Before Ahmet Davutoglu became foreign minister in 2008, Turkey received 151 votes to become a Security Council member for a two-year term.

Clearly, the Turkey of 2008 wasn’t the same as the Turkey of 2014. The Turkey of 2014, with the ideologically based foreign policy of the Erdogan-Davutoglu duo, had shifted from the goal of “zero problems with neighbors” to “zero neighbors, many problems.” This Turkey has to cope with all the problems of Middle East instability and regional chaos.

And Turkey faces a new threat internally and along its southern border that emanates from its Syria policy. I am of course talking of the Islamic State (IS). As the threat of IS grows, this is how Turkey’s loneliness becomes more menacing:

If Turkey in its haste to depose the Damascus regime as soon as possible had not turned a blind eye to the country's becoming an "international jihadist corridor" between Syria and rest of the world, and if Ankara had prevented jihadists from using our country as a rear logistics base, then IS could not have gained so much strength and now threaten to capture the Kurdish canton of Kobani in Syria.

Ankara since the autumn of 2012 not only imposed an embargo to foil Kurdish autonomy in Syria, but also stage-managed a proxy war through Islamic opposition groups.

When Ankara persisted with its refusal to join the coalition formed under US leadership against the IS threat even at the most critical phases of the Kobani siege, it became evident how dangerous Turkey’s loneliness could be for its own national security.

The Kurdistan Workers Party base in Turkey held Ankara responsible for the disaster facing the Kobani Kurds, with whom they have family and political-ideological links, and responded with an organized, widespread protest action that included extreme street violence: 50 people were killed, thousands of vehicles, houses, schools and businesses were destroyed and hundreds were hurt.

In the course of four days that went down in Turkish history as the “Kobani incidents,” Turks and Kurds for the first time faced each other with intense fury. We realized that there was potential for civil war in the country.

If Turkey, instead of taking cover behind an ambiguous policy, had displayed a clear-cut political and ideological choice against the IS threat and acted as an active member of the international coalition — in other words, had not opted for loneliness — the Kobani crisis would not have assumed the dimensions now threatening the national security of the country.

A week after those incidents, the Western security official who had warned about Turkey’s slide to dangerous loneliness asked these questions:

“How does Turkey want to spread its influence in the region? By Islamism, by economic integration or by offering assurances of its adherence to the Western institutions?”

Ankara doesn’t appear to have grasped the reality that it cannot spread its influence by Islamism, which, to the contrary, would only increase its loneliness even more menacingly.

We now have an Ankara that is simultaneously trying to overthrow the regime in Syria, while appearing to be trying to make peace with its own Kurds, trying to defeat their Syrian extensions by conducting a proxy war and pretending to be a member of the anti-IS coalition, while getting along with IS.

Ankara looks like a juggler who is tossing five balls at the same time. But while trying to keep them all in the air, Ankara is dropping the balls.

This is what perilous loneliness is all about.

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 Naslov: Re: Turska
PostPostano: 01 stu 2014, 16:31 
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New York Times

Citat:
Turkish Leader, Using Conflicts, Cements Power
By TIM ARANGOOCT. 31, 2014

The new presidential palace in Ankara, with a reported cost of nearly $350 million, has become a potent symbol for critics of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Credit Tara Todras-Whitehill for The New York Times

ANKARA, Turkey — Sprawling over nearly 50 acres of forest land that was once the private estate of Turkey’s founding father, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, a new presidential compound has nearly 1,000 rooms, an underground tunnel system and the latest in anti-espionage technology. It is larger than the White House, the Kremlin and Buckingham Palace.

The reported price: nearly $350 million.

Then there is a new high-tech presidential jet (estimated price, $200 million), not to mention the new presidential office in a restored Ottoman-era mansion overlooking the Bosporus, all of which have been acquired to serve the outsized ambitions of one man: President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Mr. Erdogan has been in power for more than a decade, an Islamist politician and prime minister who was often touted as a role model in the Muslim world for having reconciled his faith with democracy. But these days Mr. Erdogan stands for something quite different, having essentially pulled a Putin. Like Russia’s president, Vladimir V. Putin, it does not matter which position he holds: He is his nation’s paramount leader.

President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, center, at a Republic Day ceremony on Wednesday at the Ataturk Cultural Center. Credit Kayhan Ozer/Presidential Palace
In Turkey, the president is technically second to the prime minister. But in practice, when Mr. Erdogan was elected president in August, he absorbed the power and privilege of the prime minister’s post into his new position. And like Mr. Putin, who also shifted between the presidency and prime minister’s office, the stronger Mr. Erdogan has grown, the tenser relations have become with the United States.

“He really has both offices, in a lot of ways,” said Steven A. Cook, a Turkey expert and fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, referring to Mr. Erdogan.

At the beginning of the year, none of this was assured. Still reeling from the sweeping antigovernment demonstrations of the summer of 2013, Mr. Erdogan was confronted with a wide-ranging corruption scandal that targeted him and his inner circle, prompting many analysts to predict the demise of his government.

Instead, he has used his conflict with Washington and his political enemies as a force to help consolidate power, as he continues to carry out the duties associated with the prime minister. He has rallied his conservative base behind his religiously infused agenda, clashing with United States policy for confronting Islamic State militants, while also blaming foreign interference for the growing catalog of crises he faces. As Turkey’s challenges have magnified — fighting on its border with Syria, strained relations with its NATO allies, pressure on the economy — Mr. Erdogan’s authority has grown only stronger.

In a recent speech, Mr. Erdogan offered an assessment appealing to his religious Sunni Muslim base — and echoed by militants with the Islamic State — that the Middle East crisis stems from the actions of the British and French after World War I, and the borders drawn between Iraq and Syria under the Sykes-Picot pact. Mr. Erdogan invoked Sykes-Picot saying, “each conflict in this region has been designed a century ago.” He suggested a new plot was underway, and that “journalists, religious men, writers and terrorists” were the collective reincarnation of T.E. Lawrence, the British diplomat and spy immortalized in the movie “Lawrence of Arabia.”

Continue reading the main story
“It is our duty to explain to the world that there are modern Lawrences who were fooled by a terror organization,” he said, without saying exactly whom he was talking about.

Ahmet Davutoglu, the former foreign minister, is Turkey’s prime minister. But Mr. Erdogan is the one on the phone with President Obama discussing Turkey’s role in combating the Islamic State while the White House has to remind American diplomats to also include Mr. Davutoglu in discussions between the two countries.

Turkey’s continued refusal to allow the United States to use its bases for airstrikes against the Islamic State’s forces in Syria and Iraq — and insistence that the coalition target the government of President Bashar al-Assad of Syria — has laid bare deep divisions between the two countries that have prompted analysts to question Turkey’s reliability as an ally, and some have even suggested that Turkey be expelled from NATO.

The relationship with Washington has long been uneasy. In 2003, Turkey denied the United States the use of its territory to invade Iraq. In 2010, the Turks infuriated Washington by voting against United Nations sanctions on Iran for its nuclear program, and by working with Brazil to broker a proposed deal with Iran.

Early in his career, as mayor of Istanbul, Mr. Erdogan was jailed for reciting an Islamic poem in public. In his early years as prime minister, with the Turkish military still safeguarding the country’s secular order, he kept in check his desire for a greater role for religion in public life, while pushing for membership in the European Union, a pursuit that is now stalled.

In more recent years, with the military having been neutered through a series of sensational trials, he has become a more overtly Islamist leader. In the wake of the Arab Spring uprisings, Turkey sought to play a greater role in shaping regional affairs, supporting Islamist movements, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, which was voted into power in Egypt, and then ousted, dealing a painful blow to Turkey’s ambitions.

Mr. Erdogan has partly consolidated his power by purging thousands of police officers, prosecutors and judges who he believed were behind the corruption probe. He accused those people of being followers of the Muslim preacher Fethullah Gulen, who lives in self-imposed exile in Pennsylvania and who once was an important ally to Mr. Erdogan. His victory over Mr. Gulen in the power struggle that ensued has largely erased a moderate, Western-leaning Islamic voice from the Turkish governing elite, even as many experts say that Mr. Gulen’s followers had taken on an unhealthy influence in the police and judiciary.

“For Tayyip Erdogan, like the Muslim Brotherhood and Muslim movements everywhere, the problems of the Muslim world are because of the West,” said Rusen Cakir, a scholar of Islamist movements who lives in Istanbul.

For Mr. Gulen, he said, “the problems for the Muslim world are because of Muslims themselves.”

This trajectory away from the West has been crystallized in the continuing debate over Turkey’s role in combating the Islamic State.

Suat Kiniklioglu, a former lawmaker with Mr. Erdogan’s party who is now an outspoken critic, said the speech referring to Sykes-Picot demonstrated “how much Erdogan detests Western powers operating in the region.”

Omer Taspinar, a scholar on Turkey at the Brookings Institution, said: “The Lawrence of Arabia speech was a part of this act — to show how the borders of the Middle East were drawn up by imperialists and how we are face to face with a new Western agenda.”

This deep-seated view that the problems of the Middle East can be explained by Western actions over the past century, combined with a measure of ambivalence among Turkish religious conservatives who form the core of his constituency about joining the West in a fight against Sunnis, help explain Mr. Erdogan’s reluctance to take a stronger role in the United States-led military coalition.

A recent essay by Pankaj Mishra, an Indian intellectual, in The Guardian newspaper about the demise of Western civilization as a model for the developing world has been widely circulated. The article’s argument about Western decline has been embraced here, even though the piece is sharply critical of Turkey. It places Turkey among a group of countries — including Russia, under Mr. Putin, and India, under its new prime minister, Narendra Modi — that have combined economic improvement, democratic elections and increasingly authoritarian leadership.

Continue reading the main storyThe compound has nearly 1,000 rooms, an underground tunnel system and the latest in anti-espionage technology.
The new palace, originally intended for the prime minister until Mr. Erdogan was elected president and decided he would move in, has become a potent symbol for his many critics. The construction, still continuing in a forest that is protected land, has occurred despite rulings by several courts that the development was illegal.

Orhan Kemal Cengiz, a Turkish lawyer and journalist, said Mr. Erdogan simply ignored the courts.

In characteristic fashion, Mr. Erdogan challenged the authorities early this year, saying, “If you have the power and courage, then come and demolish the building.”

They did not, and Mr. Erdogan and his family will soon take up residence there.

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slika

slika

slika

slika

slika

slika

slika

slika

slika

slika

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Ne kužim nimalo. Što će mu rezidencija od 1000 soba. On se stvarno ufurao da je sultan. No, to je problem Turaka kao naroda, imali su izbore.

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Da zajebu Rumune?

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Metemma je napisao/la:
Da zajebu Rumune?

Taman sam se sjetio Ceauşescua kad sam pogledao sliku ove palače :zubati

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 Naslov: Re: Turska
PostPostano: 01 stu 2014, 22:24 
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Liči na ono čudovište u Bukureštu, ali je ipak dosta manje, kada bolje pogledaš.

slika


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 Naslov: Re: Turska
PostPostano: 02 stu 2014, 10:39 
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Ne liči uopće.

Ova turska je skladna i arhitektonski lijepa.

Sviđa mi se što furaju taj neki svoj stil, tradicionalni. Nije neka moderna rugoba.

Meni izgleda impresivno. Ne nakaradno. Još ako lijepo urede okoliš...

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 Naslov: Re: Turska
PostPostano: 02 stu 2014, 11:32 
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Citat:
Erdogan's Book of Defeat

by Burak Bekdil
October 31, 2014 at 4:00 am


In the entire Middle East, Turkey now has only two allies: Qatar, which looks more like a rich, family-owned gas station than a state; and Hamas, a terrorist organization.

Tunisia was the final chapter in Erdogan's book of defeat. Neo-Ottomanism was a childish dream. It is, now, a "sealed" childish dream.

Shortly after the Arab Spring rocked several capitals in the Middle East, the Turks devised a plan that would enable their country to emerge as the new Ottoman Empire. While deliberately and systematically antagonizing Israel, Ankara would: replace the Shia-controlled Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad with a Turkey-friendly Sunni ruler; support the Sunni in Iraq and Lebanon and boost their political influence; support Hamas in the Palestinian territories and provoke it to violence against Israel; and make sure that the Muslim Brotherhood or their various brethren rule Egypt, Tunisia and Libya. Saudis were already "our Muslim brothers." Eventually, all former Ottoman lands would produce governments subservient to the emerging Turkish Empire.

Nearly four years later, Syria's Assad is comfortably sitting in his presidential palace in Damascus and possibly laughing at the mess the Turks created by supporting Syria's jihadists. These jihadists have only wreaked havoc along Turkey's nearly 900-mile-long borders with both Syria and Iraq.


Da ne gušim forum sa kilometarskim tekstom, nastavak na ovom linku, koga zanima.

http://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/4830/ ... eat?anid=7


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 Naslov: Re: Turska
PostPostano: 02 stu 2014, 11:45 
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doc je napisao/la:
Ne liči uopće.

Ova turska je skladna i arhitektonski lijepa.

Sviđa mi se što furaju taj neki svoj stil, tradicionalni. Nije neka moderna rugoba.

Meni izgleda impresivno. Ne nakaradno. Još ako lijepo urede okoliš...


meni sliči na neku kinesku kopiju. :zubati

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 Naslov: Re: Turska
PostPostano: 02 stu 2014, 12:09 
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Ljepša je Skupština grada Srpsko Sarajevo :zubati

slika

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 Naslov: Re: Turska
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BBC je napisao/la:
Washington Post.
For Turkey and U.S., at odds over Syria, a 60-year alliance shows signs of crumbling

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Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdogan speaks during a news conference in Riga October 23, 2014. Divergences over how to confront the Islamic State have strained the durability of a six-decade alliance. (Ints Kalnins/Reuters)
By Liz Sly October 29 at 6:46 PM

ANKARA, Turkey — The increasingly hostile divergence of views between Turkey and the United States over Syria is testing the durability of their 60-year alliance, to the point where some are starting to question whether the two countries still can be considered allies at all.

Turkey’s refusal to allow the United States to use its bases to launch attacks against the Islamic State, quarrels over how to manage the battle raging in the Syrian border town of Kobane and the harsh tone of the anti-American rhetoric used by top Turkish officials to denounce U.S. policy have served to illuminate the vast gulf that divides the two nations as they scramble to address the menace posed by the extremists.

Whether the Islamic State even is the chief threat confronting the region is disputed, with Washington and Ankara publicly airing their differences through a fog of sniping, insults and recrimination over who is to blame for the mess the Middle East has become.

At stake is a six-decade-old relationship forged during the Cold War and now endowed with a different but equally vital strategic dimension. Turkey is positioned on the front line of the war against the Islamic State, controlling a 780-mile border with Iraq and Syria. Without Turkey’s cooperation, no U.S. policy to bring stability to the region can succeed, analysts and officials on both sides say.

“If Turkey is not an ally, then we and Turkey are in trouble,” said Francis Ricciardone, who served as the U.S. ambassador to Turkey until the summer. “It is probably the most important ally.”

The Syrian town along the Turkish border remains center stage in the fight against Islamic State militants. (Reuters)
The airdrop by U.S. warplanes last week of weapons to a Kurdish group Turkey regards as a terrorist organization crystallized the apparent parting of ways. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has not disguised his anger at the way President Obama ordered the airdrop. The U.S. president informed him of the decision in a telephone call barely an hour after Erdogan had declared to journalists that Turkey would never allow such assistance to take place.

On a tour of the Baltic states last week, Erdogan blasted Obama at every stop. “Mr. Obama ordering three C-130s to airdrop weapons and supplies to Kobane right after our conversation cannot be approved of,” he said during a news conference in Latvia. “The U.S. did that despite Turkey,” he fumed on another leg of the journey.

U.S. officials have sought to reassure Turkey that the airdrop was a one-time action, and the two countries have agreed on a plan to reinforce the beleaguered Syrian Kurds with Iraqi peshmerga fighters, which Turkey does not object to, because it has friendly relations with Iraqi Kurds.

But the Kobane dispute masked more fundamental differences over a range of issues, some of which have been brewing for years and others that have been brought to light by the urgency of the U.S.-led air campaign, analysts say.

“The Syria crisis is exposing long-unspoken, unpleasant truths about the relationship that were put to one side,” said Bulent Aliriza, a Turkish analyst with the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies. “We have this kabuki dance where Washington and Ankara say they agree, but they don’t.”

The tensions are not unprecedented, nor are the doubts about an alliance born in a different era, when fears of Soviet expansionism brought Muslim Turkey under NATO’S umbrella and extended the Western bloc’s reach into Asia.

The United State imposed an arms embargo on Turkey after Turkish troops invaded Cyprus in 1974. In 2003, there was fury in Washington when Turkey’s parliament refused to allow American troops to use Turkish soil as a staging ground for the invasion of Iraq, triggering a deep chill that took years to overcome.

The 2003 rupture may, however, have foreshadowed the beginning of a more fundamental shift in the relationship, with Erdogan embarking on a decade of transformation in Turkey that has perhaps forever changed his country, analysts say. Turkey has grown and prospered under his rule, but it has also begun to tilt toward a more authoritarian, Islamist brand of politics that is increasingly at odds with the model of secularism and pluralism that the United States has held up as a key component of Turkey’s importance to the alliance.

In 2003, as now, Turkey made it plain it did not want to be used as a launching pad for attacks against fellow Muslims in the Middle East, a sentiment Erdogan has repeatedly expressed in his many recent comments critical of U.S. policy. He has accused the United States of being more interested in oil than in helping the people of the region and has made it clear that he does not regard the Islamic State as a greater threat than the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, the organization affiliated with the Kurdish Syrians the United States has been helping in Kobane.

“There are growing doubts over whether the U.S. and Turkey share the same priorities and even whether they share the same goals,” Aliriza said. “Even when it comes to defining the enemy — there is no common enemy.”

Turkish officials bristle at suggestions that Turkey is in any way sympathetic to the Islamic State. It is Turkey that has to live with the jihadist group on its borders, not the United States, and Turkey that is most at risk of being targeted by the Islamic State in retaliation for waging war against it, the officials say.

Turks also do not mask their irritation with what they regard as a shortsighted and potentially dangerous U.S. strategy that they believe will not work and could backfire. Turkey believes Syrian President Bashar al-Assad is the root cause of the instability that gave rise to the Islamic State and that leaving him in place will serve only to prolong the war, a senior Turkish official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity because he is not authorized to discuss policy on the record.


Turkey is hosting more than 1.5 million refugees, a huge social and financial burden that will continue to grow if the conflict in Syria is not resolved, the official said.

“They are across the Atlantic,” he said, referring to the United States. “We are a neighbor of Syria’s. We know that if Assad stays, the problem will continue for decades. The Americans have the luxury of cherry-picking the problems, but we need to see them as an entirety.”

Obama and other top U.S. officials have repeatedly said that Assad cannot be part of any long-term solution to the Syria problem. But, another Turkish official said, “saying it is one thing, and doing it is another.”

“Much, much more needs to be done,” the second official said, also speaking on the condition of anonymity. “To fix this region, we have to think big. We have to think long-term and have a holistic strategy underpinned by values that don’t change according to the season.”

U.S. officials acknowledge that Washington policymakers do not always sufficiently take into account the concerns of allies. They also point to areas where Turkey is expanding its cooperation, including restricting the flow of foreign fighters across its borders and identifying the networks in Turkey that support them.

“We’ve seen some steps recently where they are more engaged on both of those issues,” said a senior administration official in Washington, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss the sensitive diplomacy. “We’re definitely encouraged there.”


And in some ways, the Syria crisis has brought Turkey and the United States closer after a year of building tensions, officials on both sides say. Obama and Erdogan had not spoken since January until they met in Wales in September to discuss the formation of the anti-Islamic State coalition. Lower-level officials have since been talking multiple times a day, Turkish and U.S. officials say. Vice President Biden has announced plans to visit Turkey in November in an effort to smooth over the ruckus over comments he made suggesting that Turkey is responsible for the rise of the Islamic State.

It is hard, however, to avoid the impression that Turkey and the United States are moving on separate tracks — “parallel tracks that don’t converge,” said Gokhan Bacik, a dean at Ipek University in Ankara.

“From now on, this is only a relationship of necessity,” he said. “There is nothing ideologically that the United States and Turkey share. Turkey has changed.”

Karen DeYoung in Washington contributed to this report.

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PostPostano: 02 stu 2014, 13:03 
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Ništa specijalno, nekako mi deluje bezdušno, nije arhitektonsko ruglo, ali nije ni neko remek delo. Azija ...


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Citat:
Erdogan's Book of Defeat

by Burak Bekdil
October 31, 2014 at 4:00 am


In the entire Middle East, Turkey now has only two allies: Qatar, which looks more like a rich, family-owned gas station than a state; and Hamas, a terrorist organization.

Tunisia was the final chapter in Erdogan's book of defeat. Neo-Ottomanism was a childish dream. It is, now, a "sealed" childish dream.

Shortly after the Arab Spring rocked several capitals in the Middle East, the Turks devised a plan that would enable their country to emerge as the new Ottoman Empire. While deliberately and systematically antagonizing Israel, Ankara would: replace the Shia-controlled Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad with a Turkey-friendly Sunni ruler; support the Sunni in Iraq and Lebanon and boost their political influence; support Hamas in the Palestinian territories and provoke it to violence against Israel; and make sure that the Muslim Brotherhood or their various brethren rule Egypt, Tunisia and Libya. Saudis were already "our Muslim brothers." Eventually, all former Ottoman lands would produce governments subservient to the emerging Turkish Empire.

Nearly four years later, Syria's Assad is comfortably sitting in his presidential palace in Damascus and possibly laughing at the mess the Turks created by supporting Syria's jihadists. These jihadists have only wreaked havoc along Turkey's nearly 900-mile-long borders with both Syria and Iraq.


Da ne gušim forum sa kilometarskim tekstom, nastavak na ovom linku, koga zanima.

http://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/4830/ ... eat?anid=7


I kad čitaš sve to i Egipatski embargo Turskoj on opet poletne izjave ima.
Bošnjaci ga baš gotive kao nekog spasitelja.

Citat:
"Kada vidite majku u Srebrenici koja je izgubila sve članove porodice kako traži mezarja svojih najmilijih, onda vidite kolika je naša odgovornost i to pitanje ljubavi i brige. Ne možemo reći 'nije me briga za Bosnu, Egipat, Siriju ili Irak'. Moramo se brinuti o svemu što se tamo dešava. To je zadaća nove Turske. Ne smijemo to zanemariti", kazao je turski predsjednik Erdogan.

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