Ma naravno, bit ćemo puno sigurniji kad se zemlje Zapadne Europe pretvore u islamske države... Odnosno u nestabilna poprišta teritorijalnih borbi između islamista, hindutva i domicilnih Europljana

Pakistanac gradonacelnik Londona, sad Indijac vodi Britaniju.

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Tko je prije 100 godina mogao zamisliti da će Pakiji i Indijci vladati nad Britima, da će porobljeni postati gazde.

Tko je prije 100 godina mogao zamisliti da će Pakiji i Indijci vladati nad Britima, da će porobljeni postati gazde.

Tko je prije 100 godina mogao zamisliti da će Pakiji i Indijci vladati nad Britima, da će porobljeni postati gazde.

Evo mene u Bg svečano zabole što će oni na ostrvu da se pokolju. Naravno da ću biti sigurniji kad Britanija prestane da rovari jer će imati pametnija posla i preče probleme.

I ko će svoj teško zarađen novac ulagati u to sranje kad će ovi promjeniti zakon čim im bude manje gorilo pod guzicama ? Kao da se opustiš jer te divlji tigar jednom milostivo pogledao pa pomisliš da ga možeš pomaziti.
Možda Wall Street uleti sa nešto quantitative easing, derivates, stocks buyback i ostalom američkom virtualnom prdimahovinom.

The new British Prime Minister Truss has lifted the ban on gas extraction by hydraulic fracturing, which is criticized by environmentalists.

Hoće li sad Paki Londonistan i Hindu vlada zaratiti kao muslimani i hinuisti na ulicama engleskih gradova?

Baš si naivan. Pa elite ne ratuju, oni se zajedno kupaju u jacuzziu i piju šampanjac a sirotinja ratuje. Tako da je potpuno nevažno je li premijer Indijac, Pakistanac ili Britanac.

svaka akcija ima reakciju pa stigla i njih, ali je svakako lijepo gledati kaznu na ovome svijetu

Indijac premijer VB. Ima neke istorijske pravde u ovome. Nadam se da će Riši dovući još koji milion svojih sunarodnika iz siromašnijih delova Indije. Što je Engleska slabija, to je svet sigurniji.

From ‘dishy Rishi’ to ‘Rishi rich’: Sunak’s image problem

The UK PM’s biggest political liability is not the enmity of Boris Johnson, nor the financial markets, nor the trashed reputation of the Conservative Party.

When Rishi Sunak was Boris Johnson’s chancellor, the social-media-friendly finance minister liked to post photos of himself on the job.

Sometimes he’d be out and about on cosplay visits to a small business, pub or factory. Other times he’d be snapped in his office, often casually dressed but always fully focused, working on the budget or on some pandemic rescue scheme – calm, confident and in control.

But these photos sometimes revealed more than he intended.

In one photo from 2020, he is leafing through his budget papers with a laptop open and a large black coffee mug beside him. Journalists quickly identified it as a Bluetooth-enabled Ember travel mug, designed to stop tea or coffee going cold. Apparently a present from his millionaire wife, it costs an eye-watering £180 ($320).

A year later, a very casual chancellor is pictured in his office with staff, putting in a midnight shift on the next day’s budget speech. On his feet are a pair of indoor slip-ons that look unremarkable, but hail from the trendy US streetwear store Palm Angels. They sell for £95 a pair.

It was little details like these that launched Sunak’s metamorphosis, in the popular imagination, from a man previously feted as “dishy Rishi” to the less voter-friendly nickname “Rishi Rich”.

Sunak’s biggest political liability is not the enmity of Boris Johnson and his acolytes, nor the brittle state of financial markets, nor the trashed reputation of the Conservative Party.

It’s that he will have to deliver a tight budget at a time when people are feeling a generational squeeze on their personal finances, courtesy of double-digit inflation, soaring energy bills, rising interest rates and falling real wages.

Thanks to short-lived ex-PM Liz Truss’ disastrous mini-budget, now the average Brit probably well understands the need for sound public finances. But many people might find it hard to take that medicine from someone quite so blatantly disconnected from their own economic circumstances.

Sunak certainly has the skills to craft the right economic and political policy for Britain’s straitened and uncertain circumstances. It’s just that he might not be the ideal salesman for the product. This image problem is not ancient history, either. Sunak’s affluence came most acutely into the public consciousness only six or seven months ago.

To promote a cut in fuel duty in late March, he had himself filmed at a petrol station, filling up the car with newly cheaper unleaded. But it turned out that the humble Kia hatchback he filled at the pump did not belong to him – he’d borrowed it from a forecourt employee.

In the video, he also apparently did not seem to know how to tap his credit card on a contactless reader. It was plain for all to see that he wasn’t a man of the people. As always in politics, once the gloss comes off then the media will keep scratching away.

It was at this point that the press first got properly stuck into Sunak’s wealth. Quite apart from his own accumulation as a successful former hedge fund executive, his father-in-law, Narayana Murthy, founder of the software firm Infosys, is worth an estimated £3.9 billion.

Murthy apparently lives in an unremarkable apartment in his home town of Bengaluru, drives a cheap car and cleans his own toilet. But it emerged that his daughter, Sunak’s wife Akshata Murthy, claimed “non-domicile tax status” in Britain – a controversial practice that ringfenced her overseas income from UK tax. The furore prompted her to adopt a more orthodox tax status, and left Sunak a chastened and somewhat diminished figure.

Path to power
Sunak himself had an unassuming upbringing in the city of Southampton on the UK’s south coast. He is the son of a GP and a pharmacist, who as children were first-generation migrants from the Hindu Indian communities of south-east Africa.

His prospects brightened to shades-wearing level when he won a scholarship to 626-year-old Winchester College, one of Britain’s most elite “public schools”, as the likes of Eton and Harrow are known. Sunak is the sixth “Wykehamist”, as Winchester alumni are called by other public schoolboys, to become chancellor – though only one of them went on to become PM.

The dream run continued at Oxford, with a First in philosophy, politics and economics – the degree known as “PPE” that has long been the golden ticket to a career in politics, journalism or the mandarinate. It also opens doors in the City: Sunak’s graduate job was at Goldman Sachs.

A few years later he shipped out to Stanford University in California on a Fulbright scholarship to get an MBA. It was there he met Akshata Murthy, daughter of India’s sixth-richest man, who became his wife.

The couple stayed in America, had two daughters and he prospered as a hedge fund manager. At this point he’d only dabbled in politics, but when he moved back to Britain in 2013 he began to weigh up a tilt at parliament.

While assiduously making connections, he also wrote policy papers for the influential centre-right Tory think tank Policy Exchange, establishing his intellectual credentials. A safe seat – the Yorkshire electorate being vacated by former foreign secretary and party leader William Hague – was quickly his.

Bonding with the battlers
Even in our current demotic age, Britons do not necessarily expect their leaders to be exactly like them. Boris Johnson was an Eton-educated, posh-talking, Latin-quoting scruff-bag.

But blue-collar voters lapped it up, handing him seats at the 2019 election that had been Labour-held for decades. Johnson’s winning lack of polish was highly practised, but it came across as authenticity. And his humour disarmed people.

Sunak will struggle to renew that bond with the battlers. His diction and delivery are more like that of a slick and highly spun politician, which can sound insincere – especially when married with his lack of connection to many voters’ everyday economic reality.

So he has to play to his strengths – that of a competent administrator, who looks after people by being good at his job. But it’s not a job that is guaranteed to make him popular. In fact, initially at least, the better he does it, the more unpopular he will become.

Media reports this week suggested Sunak and his chancellor, Jeremy Hunt, are trying to plug a £35 billion fiscal hole, and have 104 different options on the table for wielding the knife on the government’s budget.

About half the government’s spending goes on health and social welfare. So it’s difficult to see how Sunak can swing the axe without giving his Labour opponents the chance to crow about rich Tories making ordinary folk suffer – reinforcing Sunak’s image problem.

In his inaugural speech outside Downing Street, Sunak tried to reframe these “difficult decisions to come” as ultimately an act of what his party has sometimes called “compassionate conservatism”.

“You saw me during COVID, doing everything I could to protect people and businesses, with schemes like furlough,” he said. “There are always limits, more so now than ever, but I promise you this: I will bring that same compassion to the challenges we face today.

“The government I lead will not leave the next generation, your children and grandchildren, with a debt to settle that we were too weak to pay ourselves.”

In Sunak’s favour, voters seem willing to cut him at least a little bit of slack. Whatever the shortcomings in his personal brand, it stands up well to the dysfunction of Truss and the disgust with Johnson, and to the lingering doubts about Labour in the aftermath of the deeply unpopular Jeremy Corbyn.

In a YouGov poll in The Times newspaper on Thursday, 30 per cent said Sunak would make the best prime minister, against 34 per cent for Labour leader Keir Starmer (the remaining third were unsure).

The poll found 43 per cent trusted him on the economy while 46 per cent did not. But on the politically totemic issue of the National Health Service, only 20 per cent trusted him and 66 per cent did not.

Sunak’s poll ratings are in a far better state than his party, which is paying a steep price for months of disunity and disarray. In the YouGov sounding, Labour was on 51 per cent and the Conservatives were languishing on 23 per cent.

Sunak can take the tiniest crumb of comfort from the fact that compared with the previous YouGov poll, taken in the dying days of the short-lived Truss administration, Labour’s rating was down 5 points and the Tories’ was up by 4 points.

But if he doesn’t pull the party’s polling out of landslide territory, the restless Tories may soon resume their drumbeat of dissent and disloyalty.

Tory tremors
Sunak has tried to build a big tent: he kept many of Truss’ cabinet ministers in post, and tried to limit his purge of Johnson’s lieutenants.

His most eyebrow-raising move was to re-install Suella Braverman as home secretary, only a week after she was sacked by Truss for sending government documents to a sympathetic backbencher from her personal email account.

The general Westminster view is that she did not spend enough time in purgatory for her breach of the ministerial code, and was brought back because Sunak owed her for backing him instead of Johnson at the weekend.

On that telling, it looks like Sunak has a weakness on his right flank. The controversy over her appointment is a distraction he could have done without, but clearly one he could not avoid if he was to keep that faction at bay.

Braverman, Johnson and serial leadership aspirant Penny Mordaunt – whom Sunak felt secure enough not to promote from her current low-rent job as Leader of the House of Commons – will all be waiting in the wings.

Other than Sunak’s abiding commitment to pragmatism, there is not really that much ideological difference between him and his rivals.

Sunak supported Brexit in 2016, and he is a Thatcherite who wants to balance the books and – eventually – lower the tax burden. He believes government should not stand in the way of private enterprise.

He seems less interested in prosecuting the culture wars than the Tory right, but is clearly prepared to respect the necessary shibboleths such as bashing the BBC.

His plan is surely to make hard fiscal choices now, but hope to recoup the party’s popularity, and his own, with tax cuts and spending munificence in the lead-up to the election at the end of 2024.

He has time. By then, energy prices might be falling, and lower borrowing costs could be improving the budgetary position to the tune of billions. The fall in gilt yields since he took over has by one estimate already saved him some £15 billion.

But his time is not unlimited. If by the end of next year Sunak does not look like an election-winner, his rivals will start whispering to their colleagues that he should be replaced with a more voter-friendly figure.

In the next 12 months, he has to balance the books, cement his authority with his party, and win over a sceptical public.

It’s a tall order. Nobody yet knows whether he can stabilise the tossing Tory ship, or whether he will do no more than steer it onto the next reef.

Fears as UK has just 9 days' supply left - compared to France's 103 days
The UK has some of the lowest levels for gas storage in Europe, said the owner of British Gas, amid warnings that Brits could face three-hour planned power cuts if there is a shortage this winter
08:57, 28 Oct 2022UPDATED10:31, 28 Oct 2022

The UK has just 9 days of gas supply left, the owner of British Gas warned today - as it reopened a giant storage site ahead of winter.

Novi britanski premijer: La Manche moramo učiniti neprohodnim za ilegalne migrante

Francuski predsjednik Emmanuel Macron i novi britanski premijer razgovarali su o ilegalnoj imigraciji preko kanala La Manche koji spaja dvije države u prvom telefonskom razgovoru otkako je Rishi Sunak preuzeo dužnost, objavila je britanska vlada, prenosi Sky News.

Dogovorili su sastanak iduće godine, objavila je Elizejska palača i dodala da je Macron čestitao Sunaku na imenovanju na dužnost premijera.

Francusko-britanski odnosi zadnjih su godina pod velikim pritiskom jer se te zemlje međusobno optužuju za niz problema - od ribolovnih prava nakon izlaska Britanije iz Europske unije do neuspjeha u suzbijanju ilegalne migracije preko La Manchea.

- Premijer je naglasio važnost odluke koje obje države moraju donijeti kako bi kanal učinili potpuno neprohodnim za krijumčare ljudima - rekao je glasnogovornik britanskog premijera.

Elizejska palača nije spomenula pitanje ilegalnih migracija u priopćenju o razgovoru između Sunaka i Macrona.

Oba ureda su objavila da su razgovarali o energetskoj krizi i borbi protiv klimatskih promjena.

Census results: Nearly 17% of people living in England and Wales were born outside the UK, 10 million total, an increase of 2.5 million since 2011.

UK has taken in an average of 500,000 people a year from abroad since 2011.

All this happened under the Conservatives.