Pobogu prijatelju...

Da imaš šta za čitati prije spavanja.

http://www.mid.ru/brp_4.nsf/0/0BCA9A908 ... 3000210820

Zanimljiva ruska razmišljanja.

Odgovara i na neka postavljena pitanja.

Gospodin Putin je nas prijatelj. Svoje razumijevanje za osjecaje Muslimana je pokazao izmedu ostalog tako sto je kreirao jedan dekret koji zabranjuje raspirivanje vjerske mrznje (karikaturama i slicno) i tako sto nije nasjeo na opcu antimuslimansku histeriju koje si ti dio.

Pa je, zna čovjek sa vama.

Gospodin Jeb: Ruska agresija zahtijeva snažniju američku akciju


Republikanski predsjednički kandidat Jeb Bush upozorio je ruskog predsjednika Vladimira Putina da bi u slučaju da postane američki predsjednik to značilo aktivniju ulogu SAD-a u suprotstavljanju ruskoj agresiji, posebno u Ukrajini i istočnoj Evropi.



gospodin Jeb


"Ko može sumnjati da će Rusija učiniti ono što joj odgovara ako na njenu agresiju ne bude odgovora? Naša alijansa, naša solidarnost, naše akcije od suštinskog su značaja ukoliko želimo očuvati temeljne principe našeg međunarodnog poretka, poretka za koji su slobodne zemlje dale tolike žrtve da se izgradi", navodi Bush, sudeći po transkriptu koji su dali njegovi savjetnici, prenosi AP.


bla
.
.
bla
.
.


http://www.klix.ba/vijesti/svijet/jeb-b ... /150609136



Jebem vas u usta škrbava, gospodine Jeb.

Poljska jednoč osvojila Moskvu?
On 31 January 1610 Sigismund received a delegation of boyars opposed to Shuiski, who asked Władysław to become the tsar. On 24 February Sigismund sent them a letter in which he agreed to do so, but only when Moscow was at peace.

Hetman Żółkiewski, whose only other choice was mutiny, decided to follow the king's orders and left Smolensk in 1610, leaving only a smaller force necessary to continue the siege. With Cossack reinforcements, he marched on Moscow. However, as he feared and predicted, as the Polish–Lithuanian forces pressed eastwards, ravaging Russian lands, and as Sigismund's lack of willingness to compromise became more and more apparent, many supporters of the Poles and of the second False Dmitriy left the pro-Polish camp and turned to Shuiski's anti-Polish faction.


Polish Hussar formation at the Battle of Klushino.
Russian forces under Grigory Voluyev[5] were coming to relieve Smolensk and fortified the fort at Tsaryovo-Zaymishche (Carowo, Cariewo, Tsarovo–Zajmiszcze) to bar the Poles' advance on Moscow. The Siege of Tsaryovo began on 24 June.[1]:563 However, the Russians were not prepared for a long siege and had little food and water inside the fort.[1]:563 Voluyev sent word for Dmitriy Shuyski (Tsar Shuyski's brother) to come to their aid and lift the siege.[1]:564 Shuiski's troops marched for Tsaryovo, not by the direct route, but round-about through Klushino, hoping to come to Tsaryovo by the back route.[1]:564 Shuyski received aid from Swedish forces under the command of Jacob Pontusson De la Gardie.

Żółkiewski learned of Shuiski's relief force and divided his troops to meet the Russians before they could come to Tsaryovo and lift the siege. He left at night so that Voluyev would not notice his absence. The combined Russian and Swedish armies were defeated on 4 July 1610 at the battle of Klushino (Kłuszyn), where 7,000 Polish elite cavalry, the winged hussars, let by the hetman himself, defeated the numerically superior Russian army of about 35,000–40,000 soldiers.[1]:564 This giant and surprising defeat of the Russians shocked everyone and opened a new phase in the conflict.


Shuyski Tsar brought by Żółkiewski to the Sejm in Warsaw before Sigismund III', by Jan Matejko.
After the news of Klushino spread, support for tsar Shuiski almost completely evaporated. Żółkiewski soon convinced the Russian units at Tsaryovo, which were much stronger than the ones at Kłuszyn, to capitulate and to swear an oath of loyalty to Władysław. Then he incorporated them into his army and moved towards Moscow. In August 1610 many Russian boyars accepted that Sigismund III was victorious and that Władysław would become the next tsar if he converted to Eastern Orthodoxy. The Russian Duma voted for Tsar Shuiski to be removed from the throne.[1]:564 Shuiski's family, including the tsar, were captured, and Shuiski was reportedly taken to a monastery, forcibly shaved as a monk, and compelled to remain at the monastery under guard. He was later sent to Warsaw, as a kind of war trophy, and eventually died in Gostynin.

Shortly after Shuiski was removed, both Żółkiewski and the second False Dmitri arrived at Moscow with their separate armies. It was a tense moment, filled with the confusion of the conflict. Various pro- and anti-Polish, Swedish and domestic boyar factions vied for the temporary control of the situation. The Russian army and the people themselves were unsure if this was an invasion and that they should close and defend the city, or if it was a liberating force which should be allowed in and welcomed as allies. After a few skirmishes, the pro-Polish faction gained dominance, and the Poles were allowed into Moscow on 8 Oct.[1]:564 The boyars opened Moscow's gates to the Polish troops and asked Żółkiewski to protect them from anarchy. The Moscow Kremlin was then garrisoned by Polish troops commanded by Aleksander Gosiewski. On 27 July a treaty was signed between the boyars and Żółkiewski promising the Russian boyars the same vast privileges the Polish szlachta had, in exchange for them recognizing Władysław as the new tsar. However, Żółkiewski did not know that Sigismund, who remained at Smolensk, already had other plans.


Shuyski Tsar at the Sejm in Warsaw, by Jan Matejko, oil on canvas.
In the meantime, Żółkiewski and the second False Dmitriy, formerly reluctant allies, began to part ways. The second False Dmitriy had lost much of his influence over the Polish court, and Żółkiewski would eventually try to drive Dmitriy from the capital. Żółkiewski soon began manoeuvring for a tsar of Polish origin, particularly the 15-year old Prince Władysław. Previously during the Time of Troubles, the boyars had offered the throne to Władysław at least twice, in the hopes of having the liberal Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth end the despotic rule of their current tsars. Through Żółkiewski's work, the pro-Polish factions among the boyars (composed of knyazes Fyodor Mstislavsky, Vasily Galitzine, Fyodor Sheremetev, Daniil Mezetsky and diaks Vasily Telepnyov and Tomiło Łagowski) gained dominance and once again a majority of the boyars said that they would support Władysław for the throne, if he converted to Orthodoxy and if the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth returned the fortresses that they had captured in the war.

However, Sigismund, supported by some of the more devout and zealous nobility, was completely opposed to the conversion of the prince. From that point the planned Polish–Lithuanian–Muscovite union began to fall apart. Offended and angered by Sigismund, the boyars dragged their feet on supporting Władysław–they were divided between electing Vasily Galitzine, Michael Romanov (also 15 years old), or the second False Dmitriy. Żółkiewski acted quickly, making promises without the consent of the still-absent king, and the boyars elected Władysław as the new tsar. Żółkiewski had the most prominent of the opponents, Fyodor Romanov, Michael's father and the patriarch of Moscow, exiled from Russia in order to secure Polish support. After the election of Władysław as tsar, the second False Dmitriy fled from Tushino, a city near Moscow, to his base at Kaluga. However, his position was precarious even there, and he was killed on 20 December by one of his own men. Marina Mniszech, though, was pregnant with the new "heir" to the Russian throne, Ivan Dmitriyevich, and she would still be a factor in Russian politics until her eventual death in 1614.

However, Władysław faced further opposition from a seemingly unlikely party: his father. When Żółkiewski returned to meet Sigismund at Smolensk in November of that year, Sigismund III changed his mind and decided that he could gain the Russian throne for himself. A majority of the Russians opposed the move, especially as Sigismund didn't hide his intent to Catholicize and Polonize the Russian Tsardom. Żółkiewski found himself in an awkward position—he had promised the boyars Prince Władysław to keep the Russian throne for Poland, and he knew that they would not accept King Sigismund III, who was unpopular throughout Russia. However, he also had to explain this to his king, who was convinced, from his conquests in the west, of his popularity in Russia. Eventually, Żółkiewski, disappointed with Sigismund, returned to Poland. King Sigismund III eventually compromised; he decided that he would allow his son to take the throne and that he would rule as regent until Władysław came of age. Thus, he required that the boyars who submitted and swore allegiance to Prince Władysław would also have to swear an oath to him. The boyars were more resistant to this request, and support for the Poles eroded fast. Władysław was never able to take real power, and the war soon resumed. Sigismund and Władysław left the city for safer ground as tensions grew, and the small Polish garrison at the Kremlin soon became isolated and subject to increased hostility, as more and more of the formerly pro-Polish boyars began to change factions. The Polish forces outside Moscow under the command of Jan Piotr Sapieha clashed with the growing anti-Polish Russian forces of the so-called First Volunteer Army, led by Prokopy Lyapunov.

In the meantime, the siege of Smolensk continued, even as Władysław was named tsar of Russia and cities and forts throughout the area swore allegiance to the Poles. However, Sigismund III required that Smolensk not only swear allegiance, but open its gates to the Poles, which the Russians refused to do. Żółkiewski fortified Moscow with his army, and returned to King Sigismund III, who had remained at Smolensk while Żółkiewski negotiated in Moscow. The largest tunneling project at Smolensk came in December 1610; however, the Poles only managed to destroy more of the outer wall—the inner wall remained intact. The siege continued. At one point, the Polish guns breached the outer wall and the governor of Braclaw (Bracław) ordered his soldiers to rush in; however, the Russians had predicted where the breach would occur and had fortified that part of the wall with additional men. Both troops were slaughtered, and the Poles were eventually beaten back.

Kaže EU da nema neonacizma u državama iz ruske studije. Šta sad ? Opet najebali hrvatski "ljevičari". Stalno po nosu dobivaju.

Ne znam šta će kad Tsipras ode po kredit kod fašista Putina.

http://www.b92.net/info/vesti/index.php ... id=1003356

http://www.b92.net/info/vesti/index.php ... id=1002372

Dve zanimljive, i ustvari povezane vesti...

Kratkorocno gledano, sankcije imaju efekta po privredu Rusije, ali na dugorocnom planu su plus za rusku privredu koja ce biti pogurana domacom traznjom

Kakav genijalan potez Amerike da sjebe odjednom i EU i Rusiju ekonomskim sankcijama... mada vjerovatno više EU

Kakvi slepci...

Kad se dvoje svadaju raduje se treci !

Dal sam ja glupi bosanski Vlah ili je ovo za upišat se od smijeha?
Ustvari, zastrašujuće je, jer oni su ozbiljni...

http://lat.ruskarec.ru/news/2015/06/27/ ... 41225.html

14:09 27. jun 2015.
Ne može se reći da je odluka Rusije o produžetku embarga na uvoz prehrambenih proizvoda iz zapadnih zemalja utemeljena, smatra pomoćnik ministra spoljnih poslova Norveške Bord Glad Pedersen.

Rusija proširuje kontrasankcije
„Ruska ograničenja uvoza prehrambenih proizvoda, uključujući ribu i plodove mora iz Norveške, potpuno su neutemeljena”, izjavio je Pedersen za Norveški telegrafski biro.
„Sankcije Evropske unije su, s druge strane, izazvane time što Rusija krši norme međunarodnog prava i destabilizuje situaciju u susednoj državi”, izjavio je Pedersen, a prenosi agencija TASS.

U skladu sa prezimenom dotičnog je i ponašanje.
Rusiju će ovo osnažiti da se razvija. Do sada su samo trgovali sa resursima i bili zavisnici od EU u sektoru poljoprivrede. Prostranstvai nepregledna za uzorati. i otopljavanje će skinuti dodatni sneg sa tundri.
Mogu biti globalni lideri i izvoznici hrane . Plus neće Monsanto gmo đubre.

http://www.nspm.rs/hronika/ramzan-kadir ... ment134157


Ramzan Kadirov: DŽihadisti ID-a nemaju šanse u
Čečeniji
nedelja, 28. jun 2015.
Čečenski lider Ramzan Kadirov demantovao je spekulacije
da bi Islamska država mogla da preuzme kontrolu kad
Čečenijom.
On je rekao da za teroriste nema mesta u Čečeniji jer stvari
u republici kontroliše državni aparat.
”Saopštenje koje su teroristi sa severnog Kavkaza izdali i u
kom priznaju superiornost Islamskoj državi nisu ništa drugo
nego obične gluposti. Sumnjam da nekoliko preživelih
bandita koji se kriju u našim šumama mogu da privuku
veću pomoć đavolske države”, rekao je Kadirov.
Prema njegovim rečima, vlasti razumeju da preti opasnost
od Islamske države i trude se da urade sve kako bi sprečile
širenje.
”Čečenija je na prvoj liniji borbe protiv terorizma i apsolutno
izvršava sve zadatke. Republika je postala jedna od
najmirnijih delova Rusije. Uveravam vas da će se tako
nastaviti”, naveo je Kadirov.

Kadirov ko da je iz loze Nemanjica. Crvenokos. Putinov veran kerber. Dobiješ vlast i budeš lojalan.

Kako građani bivših komunističkih zemalja vide ono što radi rukovodstvo Rusije?

Izvor: Galupovo istraživanje

(VIDEO) POBILI SVU ŠESTORICU: Ruski specijalci zbrisali s lica zemlje terorističku ćeliju u Naljčiku

http://www.kurir.rs/planeta/video-pobil ... ak-1871277

25/07/2015 | 13:36 | Izvor: TANЈUG

Na Daleki Istok spremno da ode 30 miliona Rusa

Oko 30 miliona građana Rusije spremno je da se preseli na Daleki Istok i tamo se stalno nastani ako bi besplatno dobili zemlju, rekao je ministar za razvoj Dalekog Istoka, Aleksandar Galuška, objavljujući podatke ankete Sveruskog centra za istraživanje javnog mnjenja.

U Rusiji je u petak počela javna rasprava o nacrtu zakona o besplatnoj dodjeli zemlje na Dalekom Istoku, prenio je Tas.
"Besplatno davanje zemljišta je moćan potencijal za osvajanje naših Istočnih teritorija i radikalnog, skoro šestostrukog povećanja broja stanovnika, sa 6,4 miliona na 36 miliona ljudi", rekao je Galuška.
Prema njegovim riječima, istraživanje VCIOM je pokazalo da je među onima koji žele da se presele na Daleki Istok 1,5 puta više mladih.
Kako je saopštila pres služba Ministarstva za razvoj Dalekog istoka, 28 odsto ispitanika htjelo bi da na dobijenoj parceli vodi samostalno domaćinstvo, 19 odsto bi postali farmeri, a 16 odsto samo želi da promijeni mjesto boravka.
Nacrt zakona predviđa mogućnost da u tom regionu svaki građanin Rusije dobije jedan hektar zemlje, u početku na besplatno korišćenje pet godina, a zatim u vlasništvo bez nakande ako je zemlju koristio za obavljanje bilo kakvih aktivnosti koje nisu zabranjene ruskim zakonima.
U slučaju da je nije tako koristio, ona će mu biti oduzeta. Stranci neće imati mogućnost da koriste zemlju. Predviđeno je da se zemljište dodjeljuje po pojednostavljenoj proceduri, bez katastarskih radova, što će znatno uprostiti proceduru dodjele.
Zemljište će moći da se preuzme ne izlazeći iz kuće, preko Interneta, jer je ministarstvo razvilo elektronski servis zasnovan na katastarskim kartama. Demo verzija servisa će biti prezentovana početkom septembra na prvom Istočnom ekonomskom forumu u Vladivostoku.
Po mišljenju Galuške, nacrt zakona o davanju zemlje građanima Rusije se uklapa u plan ubrzanog razvoja Dalekog Istoka.
Ruska vlada je utvrdila Savezni ciljani program za razvoj Kurilskih ostvra i izabrala prvih šest investicionih projekata sa ukupnim obimom privatnih investicija od 128 milijardi rubalja (dvije milijarde evra) koji će dobiti državnu podršku za infrastrukturu.
Krajem juna formirane su prve tri teritorije za primarni razvoj u Habarovskom kraju i Primorju.

Dobar, obvezujem se da ću vam napraviti reportažu iz Vladivostoka (u sljedećih par godina).

Ništa bez Magadana ili Anadira, eventualno Vrangelova ostrva!

Šta dobar? :)

Dobar potez, ko osvajanje divljeg zapada (ali bez genocida na Indijancima!). Koliko god bili u dobrim odnosima sa Kinom, ne valja im ostavljati prazan toliki prostor krcat mineralnim bogatstvima.