I ovaj Kašić kakvu liniju drži, ne pratim to baš, jel ima kakve veze sa starom domovinom?

I dalje sam mišljenja da će Hillary biti predsjednica i da im se izbori štele i namještaju. Ne treba sve, dosta koji postotak izmanipulirati.

Ćale mu je Čeh majka Hrvatica.

Jeste. Prezime je češko, iako zvuči jugoslavenski. Moguće prebjezi iz Turske.

I ovaj Kašić kakvu liniju drži, ne pratim to baš, jel ima kakve veze sa starom domovinom?

Moguće, msm čak da je u Slovačkoj najčešće prezime Horvat.

Slabu. Osobno vjerujem da je u utrci jer ga establišment još želi u utrci s nadanjem da spriječi ostale kandidate da dobiju većinu. Tako će na konvenciji poslije 1. kruga glasovanja svi izaslanici postat neobvezani, pa će establišment nametnuti svog kandidata. Mission: Impossible.

Interesantno, u anketama bije Clintonicu.
http://www.realclearpolitics.com/epolls ... -5162.html

A vodi i u skoro svim swing državama, čak i u nekim plavima.

Cruz je puno radikalniji i ekstremniji od Trumpa. Trump je poslovan čovjek i čitav život pravi kompromise i dogovore.
Ali ne bi uopće dobio taj osjećaj čitajući US mainstream medije. Dokaz više da su im ti mediji sranje i da ne treba uopće gubiti vrijeme prateći to. Postoji masa drugih kvalitetnih izvora.

I dalje sam mišljenja da će Hillary biti predsjednica i da im se izbori štele i namještaju. Ne treba sve, dosta koji postotak izmanipulirati.

O zapadnim medijima sve govori ova afera Panama papers. Oni su od puno manjih afera pravili skandale, ova se ušutila. Vjerojatno se šušnulo vlasnicima velikih medija.

Jad i čemer zapadno mainstream novinarstvo. Jad i čemer.

Meet the Rules Committee: 112 people who may decide the Republican nominee

The Republican National Convention Rules Committee is the most powerful group you've never heard of -- it will set the rules of the convention and could potentially keep John Kasich off the ballot, open the battle to House Speaker Paul Ryan or create a dozen other different scenarios that decide the result.

Its power is only limited by the political constraints of Republican Party leaders worried about the long-term effects of Donald Trump winning or losing the nomination.
Donald Trump rages against the machine
"He who writes the rules, rules -- as the old saying goes," said Gary Emineth, former chairman of the North Dakota Republican Party and expert on the party's rules. "I think it's going to boil down to how strong Donald Trump and Ted Cruz are and how close they are."
Here's everything you need to know about the Rules Committee:
Who's on the committee?
The Rules Committee is comprised of 112 delegates --- mostly party leaders, longtime members of the Republican National Committee and lawyers who understand legislative process.
The 56 delegations to the national convention -- one for every state, the five U.S. territories and Washington, D.C. -- will each select two members for the committee each, one man and one woman. (Delegations will also pick their members for the three other committees: platform, credentials and permanent organization.)

Each one of the delegations will have significant power on its own -- if delegates supporting Texas Sen. Ted Cruz can win a majority on the Texas delegation, for example, they could pack the rules panels with two Cruz supporters.
The Republican National Committee will retain quite some power over the panel. Republican Party Chairman Reince Priebus will select the chairman of the panel from the 112 delegates selected and, like any committee or organization, that chairman will have significant power to control debate and the agenda.
Former New Hampshire Gov. John Sununu, long a leading voice among the establishment, was chairman in 2012.
How does it work?
The group typically meets a few days before the national convention to decide how the convention will operate -- to literally set the rules of the game.
In most other election cycles, the group simply takes the recommendation from the party's own rules committee (many of the same people serve with both groups) and approves it with little discussion.
But this year it is likely to face a heated battle before the convention even begins. Any package of rules needs to be assessed by all 2,472 national delegates and presented to the entire convention. Whatever package of rules wins the support of a majority of delegates present at the time the vote is called will govern for the 2016 convention.
What happened the last time Republicans faced a contested convention
What happened the last time Republicans faced a contested convention
Should the rules package be rejected, it goes back to the committee to craft another set of rules. The convention essentially cannot start until it approves new rules, exclusively for 2016.
"The first thing the convention has to do is establish the rules for itself. So each convention is a brand new, organic body that assembles itself, creates its own rules for procedure and various other things," Haugland said. "And once those are adopted, once the convention is in session, it is the highest authority of the Republican Party."

The majority of the committee will send its proposed set of rules to the convention, but if at least 25% of the members (28 delegates) can unify in opposition, they will have the chance to fight those rules on the convention floor before they're adopted.
If no nominee is selected under the approved rules after multiple ballots, the rules committee could reconvene midway through the convention and start the process over again.
What is Rule 40b?
Four years ago, when Ron Paul supporters stormed the Republican Party, Mitt Romney's campaign counsel, Ben Ginsberg, successfully pushed convention rules so that only a candidate who won the majority of delegates in eight states or territories could be nominated at the convention. Known as Rule 40b, it effectively kept Paul off the ballot at the 2012 convention -- and ticked off a lot of tea partyers and conservative activists.
This year, the Republican establishment has the opposite problem; Rule 40b could keep an establishment white knight -- like Mitt Romney or Paul Ryan -- from riding in to the rescue. Under that rule only Donald Trump and Ted Cruz would make the cut — and only if that rule is adopted in July.
In most conventions, the rules from the old convention are simply approved for the newest convention. But this time almost everything is a fight, and there's no guarantee what will happen. The Cruz and Trump campaigns are pushing to keep the rule, but Kasich delegates and party regulars could easily keep it out of the 2016 rules.
The vast majority of the delegates going to Cleveland are bound by the voting in their states to cast a ballot for a certain candidate for at least one ballot. On the second ballot, about 43% of delegates become free agents and if no one gets to 1,237 votes by the third ballot, about eight in 10 of those people are free agents.
But if the panel carries over the 2012 rules, there would still only be two men available for the delegates to choose from.
So what will happen?

The Trump and Cruz campaigns have predicted that the rules panel will be stacked with their supporters, giving them enough votes to box out Kasich.
"If there's a contested convention, 80% of the delegates are gonna be Cruz delegates or Trump delegates," Cruz told reporters in Wisconsin last week. "Both Donald and I have been very clear, we shouldn't be changing the rules because Washington is unhappy with how the people are voting."
Louis Pope, vice chairman of the Party Rules Committee and a Maryland RNC member, explains that the competing campaigns could push for just about anything if they win a majority on the convention rules committee and the majority of delegates.
But that is a tall order with three candidates in the race and all eyes on Cleveland.
"These things will be watched like a hawk," he said, noting the committee proceedings have been broadcast before on C-SPAN. "There's not going to be any shenanigans."
Marco Rubio's former state director in Louisiana, Lionel Rainey III, noted that although there will be supporters of Kasich and of other candidates who have dropped out at the convention, the external pressure will be felt inside the convention hall.
"I think the last thing that the party wants and the last thing that these delegates want is to turn this thing into an open market and have it be someone other than who voters have chosen," Rainey said. "These voters are politically astute. They've been involved, they watch the news, and they've seen the complaints that the convention is going to be stolen."
Trump himself put it a little more bluntly on CNN in March: "I don't think that you can say that we don't get it automatically, I think you'd have riots.

Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton notched resounding victories in New York Tuesday night, answering questions about their command of the race as the front-runners moved significantly closer to their party's nominations.

Their decisive wins usher in a new phase in the 2016 campaign. Both Trump and Clinton have fought bitterly for months to keep their rivals at bay, each slogging through primary contests that exposed vulnerabilities in their candidacies and campaigns.

On Tuesday, Trump came close to sweeping New York's 95 delegates -- a development that could help the Manhattan real estate mogul win the GOP nomination outright and avoid what would be an explosive and messy contested convention in July. Clinton's win, meanwhile, will go a long way in blunting the momentum of Bernie Sanders -- the liberal Vermont senator whose unexpected popularity has dogged the former secretary of state.
As of 12 a.m. ET, Trump held 847 delegates, while Ted Cruz had 553 and John Kasich had 148, according to CNN estimate. A Republican candidate needs 1,237 delegates to clinch the nomination.
Across the aisle, Clinton was leading with 1,930 delegates including 1,443 pledged delegates and 487 superdelegates. Sanders had a total of 1,223 delegates including 1,183 pledged delegates and 40 superdelegates. A Democratic candidate needs 2,383 delegates to secure the nomination.

Why the Ted Cruz-John Kasich alliance seems destined to fail

By Chris Cillizza April 25 at 12:14 PM

While most of the country — including me — was watching the season six premiere of "Game of Thrones," the campaigns of Ted Cruz and John Kasich announced a major strategic alliance. Kasich would stop campaigning in — and trying to win — Indiana's primary May 3. Cruz would do the same in Oregon on May 17 and New Mexico on June 7.

The goal is simple: To keep Donald Trump from winning the 1,237 delegates he needs to be the GOP's presidential nominee this fall. "We are very comfortable with our delegate position in Indiana already, and given the current dynamics of the primary there, we will shift our campaign’s resources West and give the Cruz campaign a clear path in Indiana," Kasich chief campaign strategist John Weaver said Sunday night.

Achieving the goal is WAY harder for me to see happening — for a bunch of a reasons, which I'll get to in a minute. But before all that, it's worth making this point: This is a massive gamble born entirely of desperation. What probably became clear to the Cruz campaign and, to a lesser extent, the Kasich campaign, is that they weren't going to beat Trump in Indiana's winner-take-most primary and, by losing, would put the real estate billionaire on a reasonable path to the GOP nomination.

And so they acted. Which they deserve credit for — since most of the time politicians in unwinnable/untenable situations continue to cling to the idea that everyone else is wrong and they are right, right up until they lose.

But action doesn't always produce the desired results. And I think that's what is going to happen here. Let's list the reasons why:

1. Candidates and campaigns are strategic. Voters aren't. The theory behind this alliance is the same thinking that motivates candidates and campaigns to believe that endorsements are a critical moment in a campaign. They almost never are. Why? Because the average voter doesn't care who some other politician thinks would be the best choice in a different race. And they definitely don't want a politician they sort of like telling them to be for someone else who they likely don't like at all. The idea that a Kasich voter would be for Cruz "for the broader good of the Republican party" is the sort of stuff that makes sense on a phone call where this deal was cut between two longtime political operatives. In the real world of voters, it's a much harder sell. Voters don't tend to look at the big picture. They vote for who they like or who they think understands them. Or in this election, the candidate who matches their anger and alienation. Not the candidate that some other candidate told them to be for.

2. The overlap between Kasich and Cruz voters is almost nonexistent. Ted Cruz is a Southern senator whose entire campaign is premised on two ideas: a) People who are part of the "Washington cartel" are corrupt and dumb and b) he is the one true conservative willing to stand up to President Obama on, among other things, the Affordable Care Act. John Kasich is someone who spent two decades in Washington — he was the chairman of the Budget Committee! — and who, among other things, participated in the Medicaid Expansion program as part of Obamacare. Cruz is the "no retreat, no surrender" candidate. Kasich is the "can't we all get along" candidate.

So if you are an Indiana Republican who was for Kasich, it's hard to imagine that you agree with Cruz on almost anything. Ditto a Cruz voter in Oregon or New Mexico. These candidates were on the opposite ends of the GOP spectrum even when there were 17 candidates running! The only reason you would be a Kasich voter for Cruz in Indiana is because Kasich told you to be. (And there is some doubt about how Kasich feels about that matter.) No way.

3. The alliance perfectly fits Trump's "rigged" narrative. If Donald Trump could have engineered a scenario that would fire up his anti-establishment base any more than it already is, the public announcement of a Cruz-Kasich alliance would be how he would have done it. Now it's not just hard-to-understand delegate math where the GOP establishment is plotting against Trump but a high-profile handshake agreement between a sitting senator and governor. (Given the negative consequences of going public with the Cruz-Kasich deal, why did the two campaigns do it? They needed to signal their voters and, as importantly, their aligned super PACs to stand down.)

"Collusion is often illegal in many other industries, and yet these two Washington insiders have had to revert to collusion in order to stay alive," Trump said in a statement on the deal. "It is sad that two grown politicians have to collude against one person who has only been a politician for ten months in order to try and stop that person from getting the Republican nomination."

That is directly in the Trump message wheelhouse. And, if he needed a way to energize his supporters in Indiana and beyond, he now has a perfect lever to do just that. THEY are trying to take it from you! THEY are colluding! THEY think you don't matter! The way to get back at "them"? To vote for Trump, of course.

Gambles sometimes pay off — even one with as long odds as this one. And the time to gamble is when you are on the verge of losing it all. (Remember that freedom's just another word for nothing left to lose.)

Trump won each county in Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Connecticut and Rhode Island, including Pennsylvania's Allegheny County, where rival John Kasich was born.

Rastura Trump. Jučer osvojio novih 5 država. Kuriozitet je da nitko od njegovih protukandidata nije pobijedio čak niti u jednom okrugu.

https://www.donaldjtrump.com/press-releases/donald-j.-trump-foreign-policy-speech
Vrlo, vrlo dobar govor, vrijedi pročitati, a poslije se nadati Trumpovoj pobjedi

Dobio 110 izaslanika, i po broju premašio Romneya. Neki kažu da ima šansu bit rep. kandidat s najviše izaslanika ikad.