Nearing the deadline for a loan payment, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras asked for another bailout, which would buy time for Athens to renegotiate its debt.

ATHENS — Greece and its European creditors began talking again on Tuesday about how to keep Greece afloat financially, but appeared not to be moving fast enough to prevent the country from missing a debt payment due at the end of the day.

With just hours to go before the deadline for the payment, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras of Greece asked the other nations that use the euro to provide another bailout, which would buy time for Athens to renegotiate its crippling debt load.

Finance ministers of the eurozone countries discussed the proposal on Tuesday night and left open the possibility that Greece could eventually get a new package of aid, but dashed any hopes that Athens had for immediate action.

Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany said earlier in the day that no deal with Mr. Tsipras’s government could be negotiated until after a Greek referendum scheduled for Sunday. Greek voters will be asked to accept or reject an offer made last week by the country’s creditors.


Alexander Stubb, the Finnish finance minister, wrote on his Twitter account that extending Greece’s current bailout program, which was to expire in a few hours, had not been possible. But Mr. Stubb said the request for what amounts to a third bailout for Greece would be “dealt with through normal procedures,” as was “always” the case after such requests.

a čisto dobra pouka i za naše vladajuće elite šta ih čeka ako ne stabiliziraju državnu potrošnju i financije...

Još bolja pouka narodu što ga čeka kad prepusti sudbinu elitama i sustavu-redovi pred praznim bankomatima i prazne police u marketima...

BiH se mora pripremati za ovo za desetak godina. Počela su zaduženja za isplate mirovina, zaduženja za isplate socijalnih transfera, plaća, što je već nenormalno.

Kad se počnu otplate i rate gomilati - bit će svašta.

BiH se mora pripremati za ovo za desetak godina. Počela su zaduženja za isplate mirovina, zaduženja za isplate socijalnih transfera, plaća, što je već nenormalno.

Kad se počnu otplate i rate gomilati - bit će svašta.

ATHENS — Greece missed a crucial debt payment to the International Monetary Fund, the fund said early Wednesday, deepening a crisis that has haunted world leaders and financial markets over the past week.

The development came as Greece’s European creditors each rejected an 11th-hour attempt by Athens to extend the country’s international bailout program.

Greece is not technically in default, but missing the payment of 1.5 billion euros, or about $1.7 billion, is yet another warning that the country will probably be unable to meet its other obligations in coming weeks, to its bond holders and to the European Central Bank. That might make the bank, one of the country’s chief creditors, less willing to continue emergency loans that have been propping up Greek banks for the past several months.

By declaring Greece in arrears, the I.M.F. avoided using the term “default.” Credit rating agencies also will not consider Greece in default based on missing the I.M.F. payment, because the I.M.F. is not considered a commercial lender.
But Jeroen Dijsselbloem, the head of the Eurogroup of finance ministers, said late Tuesday night that Greece was effectively in default and could face even tougher conditions for a new aid package.

“I think the fact of the matter is that Greece is in default or will be in default tomorrow morning on the I.M.F. and also, I believe, on a loan to their own central bank,” Mr. Dijsselbloem told CNBC. “But they will be in default, and I don’t think I can alter that in the short term.”

Greece now joins the roster of countries — including some of the poorest and worst governed — that have missed payments to the I.M.F. Also on that list: Zimbabwe, Sudan and Somalia.

Da je samo BiH problem...opet se puše iste balon koji je roknuo prije 7-8 godina i u svijetu,ma koliko "stručnjaci" govorili da nije tako.I mislim da nemamo 10ak godina.

Cipras ipak popustio, pristao na gotovo sve rezove koje Europa traži, uskoro će se obratiti

GRČKI premijer Aleksis Cipras u zadnjem je dopisu, kojeg je sinoć poslao MMF-u, Europskoj komisiji i Europskoj središnjoj banci, pristao na gotovo sve uvjete grčkih kreditora u zamjenu za novi paket financijske pomoći, javlja Financial Times.

Novinar FT-a Peter Spiegel, koji tvrdi da je dopis dobio na uvid, piše kako bi Ciprasovo pismo trebalo poslužiti kao temelj za nove pregovore između Grčke i "troike". O Ciprasovom će dopisu ministri financija eurozone raspravljati na sastanku koji će se održati u 17:30 sati u Briselu. Grčki premijer bi se uskoro putem televizijskog govora trebao obratiti naciji.

Cipras pristaje na rezove, ali ipak traži neke ustupke

Naime, sinoć u ponoć istekao je rok za produženje grčkog "bailouta". No, očekuje se da će Ciprasov uzmak poslužiti kao temelj za pregovore o novom "bailoutu" koji će Grčkoj omogućiti da ipak izbjegne "pravi" bankrot, u koji teoretski i dalje nije ušla jer se MMF, čija potraživanja Grci nisu uspjeli platiti na vrijeme, službeno ne vodi kao komercijalna financijska institucija.

U dopisu čiji sadržaj prenosi FT, Cipras je navodno obećao da prilagoditi sustav PDV-a onome što "troika" od njega traži, uz iznimku najudaljenijih grčkih otoka. Za njih Cipras traži svojevrsni "popust" od 30 posto s obzirom da se radi o teško dostupnim područjima koje je problematično opskrbljivati robnim zalihama.

Također, Cipras će pristati da promjene koje će rezultirati povećanjem dobi za ostvarivanje mirovine na 67 godina do 2022. godine, ali traži da te reforme ne krenu odmah, već u listopadu ove godine. Pristao je i na postupno ukidanje fonda solidarnosti za najsiromašnije umirovljenike do 2019. godine, ali zahtjeva nešto sporiji tempo uvođenja ove reforme.

Izvor iz grčke vlade za Reuters je potvrdio da je Cipras doista od MMF-a, ECB-a i Europske komisije zatražio ove ustupke. Bloomberg je u međuvremenu objavio čitav sadržaj Ciprasovog pisma, u kojem grčki premijer također obećava da će ograničiti vojni budžet, postupno ukinuti poticaje za poljoprivredu, reformirati sustav poreza na dobit, na jesen pokrenuti reformu tržišta rada, te provesti prijedloge Organizacije za ekonomsku suradnju i razvoj (OECD) koji se tiču reformiranja pravosudnog sustava, liberalizacije turističkog tržišta i implementacije protu-korupcijskih mjera.

Njemački ministar financija: Ovo ništa ne mijenja

Pitanje je, međutim, hoće li i ovi ustupci biti dovoljni da Europa odobri Grcima novu liniju kredita. Izvori iz eurozone su se, kako prenosi The Guardian, već neslužbeno oglasili i poručili kako Ciprasov dopis i dalje sadrži zahtjeve koje će ministri financija teško prihvatiti.

Izjavu je dao i njemački ministar financija Wolfgang Schäuble, koji tvrdi da Ciprasovo pismo "troiki" ništa ne mijenja. S Grčkom je, kaže Schäuble, trenutno nemoguće voditi ozbiljne pregovore. Njemački ministar financija time je ponovio raniji stav Angele Merkel, koja je kazala da se nikakvi dogovori ne mogu očekivati prije nego se vidi kako će Grci glasati na najavljenom referendumu o mjerama štednje.

Talijanski ministar financija: Uvijek smo otvoreni za dogovor

Nešto drugačija poruka stigla je jutros iz Italije, čiji je ministar financija Pier Carlo Padoan kazao da je eurozona i dalje otvorena za dogovor s Grčkom.

"Što se tiče mene i mojih kolega u eurogrupi, uvijek postoji mogućnost za dogovor s Grčkom", izjavio je Padoan za BBC, ali i dodao da je "situacija u Grčkoj puno manje zabrinjavajuća nego što se prikazuje".

Otkad je povratak u 20. vijek nešto loše?

Balkanski blefovi ne uspijevaju. Od početka je jasno, tko će morati više popustiti. Grčka je tako financijski ovisna, da bi zaključavanje većine financijskih pipa u slijedećih nekoliko desetljeća (što bi donio bankrot sa sobom) bilo doslovice povratak zemlje u svim segmentima u 20. stoljeće.

Grčka vlada demantovala

Greeks embark on Australian odyssey for new life Down Under

New wave of migrants follows exodus in aftermath of second world war

Tens of thousands of Greeks fled their homeland for a new life Down Under in the aftermath of the second world war. Now, with Greece embroiled in another European crisis, Australia is again a refuge for migrants, many embittered at their country’s plight.

“You don’t want to live in a society where everyone thinks there’s no future,” says Odysseas Tzibrakos, a father of two children who left Greece last year for Melbourne.

“We are a happy people who don’t ask for luxuries but the economic crisis has changed Greek society. It’s very difficult for people and they’ve become angry and disillusioned.”

Mr Tzibrakos is one of an estimated 10,000 Greeks or dual Australian-Greek citizens who have made Australia their home since the financial crisis began in 2008. The wave of arrivals has reversed a trend during the 1990s and early 2000s when many dual citizens moved to Europe to take advantage of what was then the booming Greek economy.
Most of the new arrivals have settled in Melbourne, a city that claims to have more Greek-born residents than any other city outside Greece.

“The inflow of people is re-energising a community that for years had been shrinking,” says Bill Papastergiadis, president of the Greek Community of Melbourne. “Every day we get queries from people living in Greece about how to move here.”

A Greek language school and two Orthodox churches have opened recently to accommodate the influx. The local government in Melbourne gave $400,000 to the Australian Greek Welfare Society to help the migrants, some of whom have little money when they arrive.

“I had a good job at a private college but my wages were cut by 10 per cent every six months during the crisis,” says Mr Tzibrakos, who came on a student visa. “It was a negative chain. Parents lost their jobs and couldn’t afford the fees for their kids and the wages of all staff were cut.”

Other Greek migrants head for Sydney, where Yanis Varoufakis, Greece’s finance minister, was a university lecturer in the 1990s.

Ilias Chatzilazarou arrived there three months ago with his wife and daughter. “My wife was born in Australia, which gave us the option of coming here,” he says. “Our reason for emigrating was less about economics and more about the breakdown of law and order and the rise in crime.”

Mr Chatzilazarou, who owned a gardening business in Greece, says he is angry both at Greece’s politicians and the EU. “We do not trust our politicians. Syriza is probably better than the others but the people have been told lies, lies and more lies.

“I am part of Europe but the Europeans do not want to help us. The continent is split between the rich in the north and the poor in the south.”

Mr Chatzilazarou found work as head waiter at Sydney’s Hellenic Club, an institution that dates back to an earlier wave of Greek emigration in the 1920s.

His hope is that he will be able to send money back to his family. “My father doesn’t have enough money to pay his mortgage and put food on the table,” Mr Chatzilazarou says.

Many Greek migrants have been able to leverage their skills to find well-paid jobs in Australia, where the economy has enjoyed 25 years of growth without a recession.

Ioannis Kalaitzidis, an educational psychologist who emigrated to Sydney two years ago on the strength of his wife’s dual citizenship, found work as a lecturer at Macquarie University. “There’s definitely a brain drain,” he says. “Most of the people that decide to emigrate are highly educated. This is clearly a big loss to the country.”

For some watching the dramatic events unfold on television screens from the other side of the world, the renewed threat of a Greek exit from the eurozone is alarming and unsettling.

“I cannot even think of a Greece outside Europe,” says Mr Kalaitzidis. “It is a big problem for Greece but also for strategic stability in southern Europe and the eastern Mediterranean. It is literally the last democratic European country in that area.”

Thoughts also turn to their families and friends back home in Greece. “Our society is hurting and doesn’t even have the ability to feed everyone,” says Mr Tzibrakos.

“You do not want to have a good life yourself and leave behind your parents or siblings in this crisis.”

BRUSSELS — Bewildered Greeks, not to speak of people throughout Europe and the world, could be forgiven for wondering who, if anyone, is in charge.

In the past few days, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras of Greece has blown up negotiations with European creditors on staving off default, then retreated and accepted more or less the same terms, only to have European leaders tell him the offer had expired.

Greeks are supposed to vote on a referendum this weekend, but no one there or elsewhere seems sure what they will be asked, or what the consequences will be for voting yes or no.

And European leaders here and in Berlin and Paris have been saying distinct — sometimes directly contradictory — things about whether there is a bailout deal for Greece still on the table, and whether they want Greece to hold its referendum before they can renew discussions about it.

The ancient Greek term for all this is khaos, and the vast chasm or void of coherent decision making appears to extend well beyond its borders. The crisis appears to simultaneously vindicate critics’ complaints that Greece’s left-wing governing party, Syriza, is flailing about with wild gambits, but also that Europe, led primarily by the German leader Angela Merkel, is obsessed with rules and procedures that have resulted in a long string of emergency meetings but no clear plan for addressing the Greek debt crisis.

The question of how to save Greece, debated for more than five years, is the European Union’s recurring nightmare, and despite repeated failures to solve the beleaguered nation’s troubles, it has become a seemingly endless exercise in doing the same thing over and over in hope of a different result.

This has mostly involved holding lots of meetings, usually in Brussels, often running late into the night and nearly always fruitless. Deadlines that seemed immovable have come and gone, a testament to the dogged dedication of European officials but also an emblem of the confusion that has enveloped the whole process of finding a solution.

On Wednesday, the finance ministers of the 19 countries that use the euro held yet another meeting, this time a teleconference, to discuss what to do. Like a previous teleconference on Tuesday and five emergency face-to-face meetings over the previous two weeks, Wednesday’s discussion yielded no breakthrough.

Europe’s paralysis, deepened by the ever-shifting, in-your-face tactics of Greece’s left-wing government, has exposed a fundamental dysfunction — or, the designers would say, a deliberate muddle and ingenious safety valve — at the heart of the so-called European project, a push begun in 1957 to bring the states of Europe into “ever closer union.”