Postoje razni tipovi liberala, pa jednim djelom sam i ja liberal.

Današnji konzervativci su većinom klasični liberali.

No tema je o ekstremnim socijalnim liberalima i liberalizmu kao vodećoj destruktivnoj ideologiji na Zapadu.

New York vodeći po segregaciji u školama
U našoj domovini država New York ima najveći broj škola u kojima vlada segregacija, a grad New York, koji ima najveći sustav javnih škola u zemlji, segregacijom je najviše pogođen, kažu Gary Orfield i John Kucsera.

Kozmopolitski megalopolis New York je multietničko i multikulturno središte Sjedinjenih Država no istodobno rekorder po rasnoj segregaciji u javnim školama, zaključak je studije koju je ovaj tjedan objavio Projekt za građanska prava s Kalifornijskog sveučilišta u Los Angelesu (UCLA).

"Od 32 školska okruga u gradu, u njih 19 bilo je 10 posto bijelih učenika ili manje", navode i ocjenjuju da je imidž New Yorka kao kozmopolitskog megalopolisa često samo privid.

"Na ulicama Manhattana vidjet ćete ljude svih rasa, porijekla i nacionalnosti (...) ali nećete vidjeti njujorške škole", kaže Gary Orfield.

Škole New Yorka vode u segregaciji i u tome im "ni do koljena nije nijedna država s juga SAD-a", koje su nekad bile prvaci u rasnoj segregaciji, navode autori.

"Vlada potpuna zatvorenost za velik dio ljudi obojene kože, oni su daleko od bijelog društva i srednje klase", kaže Orfield koji takve škole naziva "apartheid školama".

Prema studiji u 73 posto njujorških "charter" škola bijelih učenika bilo je manje od jedan posto u 2010. Samo 8 posto tih škola smatralo se "višerasnima" jer su imale više od 14,5 posto bijelaca.

Bijela djeca i djeca iz srednje klase u New Yorku školuju se u privatnim obrazovanim ustanovama ili u javnim ustanovama u koje je upis moguć putem natječaja.

Studija ističe da je segregacija dvostruka jer je istodobno i rasna i društvena zbog koncentracije siromašnog stanovništva iz iste zajednice u takvim školama.

"Škole s visokom koncentracijom siromašnih i manjina (...) ograničuju obrazovne mogućnosti", u njima "podučavaju slabije kvalificirani i neiskusniji učitelji, škole polaze neuspješniji učenici, a nastavna sredstva slabije su prilagođena", kaže studija.

Predstavnik "charter" škola u New Yorku James Merriman "zaključke je odbacio kao površne" i osudio "sramotnu uporabu etikete 'apartheid'".

Dennis Tompkins iz ministarstva obrazovanja države New York studiju drži "uznemirujućom, ali ne i iznenađujućom" te zaključuje "pred našom zemljom, državom i školskim ustanovama mnogo je posla".

Slučaj New Yorka nije izoliran, zaključuju autori i zato Europi, koja je "također suočena s imigracijom i etničkom raznolikošću", poručuju da bi joj New York trebao "poslužiti kao upozorenje".

U New Yorku živi 33,3 posto bijelaca, 28,6 posto hispanaca, 25,5 posto crnaca i 12,7 posto Azijata, prema statističkim podacima.

http://www.poslovni.hr/svijet-i-regija/ ... ama-267662

Pretpostavljam da u toj segregaciji prednjače djeca židovskog podrijetla, pripadnici najliberalnije američke demografske skupine.

Chinese Indonesians


Indonesia's 2010 census reported more than 2.8 million self-identified ethnic Chinese: 1.20 percent of the country's population.

Chinese Indonesians were considered "foreign orientals"; as such, they struggled to enter the colonial and national sociopolitical scene, despite successes in their economic endeavors. Evidence of discrimination against Chinese Indonesians can be found throughout the history of Indonesia, although government policies implemented since 1998 have attempted to redress this. Resentment of ethnic Chinese economic aptitude grew in the 1950s as native Indonesian merchants felt they could not remain competitive.

During the 1970s and 1980s Suharto and his government brought in Chinese Indonesian businesses to participate in the economic development programs of the New Order, while keeping them highly vulnerable to strengthen the central authority and restrict political freedoms. A minority of the economic elite of Indonesian society, both those who were and were not ethnic Chinese, secured relationships with Suharto's family members and members of the military for protection, while small business owners relied on local law enforcement officials. Stereotypes of the wealthy minority became accepted as generalized facts, but failed to acknowledge that said businessmen were few in number compared to the small traders and shop owners. In a 1989 interview conducted by scholar Adam Schwarz for his book A Nation in Waiting: Indonesia's Search for Stability, an interviewee stated that, "to most Indonesians, the word 'Chinese' is synonymous with corruption". The economic role of the ethnic Chinese was contradictory because it did not translate to acceptance of their status in the greater society. They were politically weak and often faced social harassment.

Anti-Chinese sentiment gathered intensity through the 1990s. President Suharto gathered the most powerful businessmen—mostly Chinese Indonesians—in a nationally televised 1990 meeting at his private ranch, calling on them to contribute 25 percent of their shares to cooperatives. Commentators described the spectacle as "good theatre", as it only served to reinforce resentment and suspicion of the ethnic Chinese among the indigenous population. Major riots broke out in Situbondo (October 1996), Tasikmalaya (December 1996), and Rengasdengklok (January 1997).

When Suharto entered his seventh term as president, following an uncontested election on 10 March 1998, Indonesian students began a series of major demonstrations in protest of the New Order regime which continued for weeks and culminated in the shootings of four students by security forces at Trisakti University in May. The incident sparked major violence in several cities during 12–15 May. Property and businesses owned by Chinese Indonesians were targeted by mobs, and over 100 women were sexually assaulted; this aspect of the riots, though generally accepted as true, has been denied by several Indonesian groups. In the absence of security forces, large groups of men, women, and children looted and burned the numerous shopping malls in major cities. In Jakarta and Surakarta over 1,000 people died inside shopping malls. Tens of thousands of ethnic Chinese fled the country following these events, and bankers estimated that US$20 billion of capital had left the country in 1997–1999 to overseas destinations such as Singapore, Hong Kong, and the United States.

Government policies shifted dramatically after 1965, becoming more favorable to economic expansion. In an effort to rehabilitate the economy, the government turned to those who possessed the capability to invest and expand corporate activity. Ethnic Chinese capitalists, called the cukong, were supported by the military, which emerged as the dominant political force after 1965. Indigenous businessmen once again demanded greater investment support from the government in the 1970s, but legislative efforts failed to reduce ethnic Chinese dominance. In a 1995 study published by the East Asia Analytical Unit of Australia's Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, approximately 73 percent of the market capitalization value of publicly listed companies (excluding foreign and state-owned companies) were owned by Chinese Indonesians. Additionally, they owned 68 percent of the top 300 conglomerates and nine of the top ten private sector groups at the end of 1993. This figure propagated the general belief that ethnic Chinese—then estimated at 3 percent of the population—controlled 70 percent of the economy. Although the accuracy of this figure was disputed, it was evident that a wealth disparity existed along ethnic boundaries. The image of an economically powerful ethnic Chinese community was further fostered by the government through its inability to dissociate itself from the patronage networks. The Hokchia group dominated the ethnic Chinese business scene during the Suharto government, although other groups emerged after 1998.

The top five conglomerates in Indonesia prior to the 1997 Asian financial crisis—the Salim Group, Astra International, the Sinar Mas Group, Gudang Garam, Sampoerna and the Lippo Group—were all owned by ethnic Chinese, with annual sales totaling Rp112 trillion (US$47 billion). When President B. J. Habibie announced in a 19 July 1998 interview with The Washington Post that Indonesia was not dependent on ethnic Chinese businessmen, the rupiah's value plunged 5 percent.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_Indonesian

Chinese Filipino


Chinese Filipinos are one of the largest overseas Chinese communities in Southeast Asia. Sangleys—Filipinos with at least some Chinese ancestry—comprise 18-27% of the Philippine population. There are roughly 1.5 million Filipinos with pure Chinese ancestry, or just 1.6% of the population.

Chinese Filipinos are well represented in all levels of Philippine society, and well integrated politically and economically. Chinese Filipinos are present within several commerce and business sectors in the Philippines and a few sources estimate companies which comprise a significant portion of the Philippine economy are owned by Chinese Filipinos, if one includes Sangleys.

However, there were still pressing problems that face the community. Despite President Aquino's Chinese ancestry, the initial proliferation of anti-Chinese sentiments among some Filipinos and the sudden attainment of freedom from Martial Law under President Marcos led to several crimes being committed against Chinese Filipinos. These include rampant extortion, kidnapping, and even murder. All these led to the formation of the first Chinese Filipino organization, Kaisa Para Sa Kaunlaran, Inc. (Unity for Progress) by Teresita Ang-See, which called for mutual understanding between the ethnic Chinese and the native Filipinos. Aquino encouraged free press and cultural harmony, a process which led to the burgeoning of the Chinese-language media.

While anti-Chinese sentiments were toned down, crimes against the Chinese Filipinos, particularly kidnapping, further blossomed throughout the presidencies of Fidel Ramos (1992–1998), and Joseph Estrada (1998–2000). The police remained unsympathetic to the Chinese Filipinos, while many government officials were found to be accomplices. The combination of these factors led many Chinese Filipinos to emigrate back to China, or to either Canada or the United States. An increasing number of Chinese Filipinos also actively sought political seats to protect and promote Chinese interests.

Despite constituting a small fraction of the country's population at 2% to 3%, the Chinese Filipinos have a disproportionate impact on both trade and industry. Many stores and restaurants, as well as factories and manufacturing firms are owned by Chinese Filipinos, who are estimated to control 50 to 60 percent of non-land share capital in the Philippines, and as much as 35 percent of all total sales in the Philippines are attributed to firms owned by the ethnic Chinese, who essentially focus largely on retail, light manufacturing, casinos and to a much lesser extent, semiconductors and chemicals, real estate, land, and property development, banking, engineering, construction, fiber, textiles, finance, consumer electronics, food, and personal computers.

In the Philippines, ethnic Chinese are estimated to control over one-third of the 1000 largest corporations. In the Philippines, Chinese entrepreneurs control 47 of the 68 locally owned public companies. Chinese owned companies account for 66% of the sixty largest commercial entities.

The economic power of the Chinese Filipino community is portrayed by Chinese American writer Amy Chua (whose parents were former immigrants to the Philippines) who said that "the country's four major airlines and almost all of the country's banks, hotels, shopping malls, and major business conglomerates" are owned by the Chinese.

In addition, they dominate "the shipping, textiles, construction, real estate, pharmaceutical, manufacturing, and personal computer industries as well as the country's wholesale distribution networks and six out of the ten English-language newspapers in Manila, including the one with the largest circulation."Filipino Chinese businesses are part of the larger bamboo network, a network of overseas Chinese businesses operating in the markets of Southeast Asia that share common family and cultural ties.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_Filipino

Malaysian Chinese


Malaysian Chinese constitute one group of Overseas Chinese and is one of the largest Overseas Chinese communities in the world. Within Malaysia, they are usually simply referred to as "Chinese" and represent the second largest ethnic group in Malaysia after the ethnic Malay majority. As of 2010, approximately 6,960,000 Malaysian Chinese – majority of the population (except those mixed ones) – self-identify as "Chinese" or 24.6% of the Malaysian population.

Malaysian Chinese are a socioeconomically well established middle-class ethnic group and make up a highly disproportionate percentage of Malaysia's professional and educated class, with a record of high educational achievement, a high representation in the Malaysian professional white-collar workforce, and one of the highest household incomes among minority demographic groups in Malaysia. Like in much of Southeast Asia, Malaysian Chinese are dominant in both the business and commerce sectors, controlling an estimated 70% of the Malaysian economy. They are also one of the biggest taxpayers, contributing almost 90% of the national income tax (the figure is skewed, simply because the Malays/Muslims have a different taxation system called zakat) and 60% of Malaysia's national income.

Overall ethnic share of total employment in Malaysia is roughly proportionate to the number of Chinese in the Malaysian population. The Chinese are more likely to be involved in commerce and the modern sectors of the Malaysian economy. Between 1970 to 1995, Malaysian Chinese share of the white-collar labor force fell from 62.9% to 54.7% in the administrative and managerial category.

Malaysian Chinese have a large presence in many skilled occupations that is disproportionate to that of the Malaysian population. Despite comprising nearly a quarter of the Malaysian population, 54.7% of Malaysian Chinese work in administrative and managerial jobs, while their presence in professional and technical fields was proportionate to the percentage of Chinese in the Malaysian population. In 1988, Chinese Malaysians made up 58% of the Malaysian white-collar workforce, providing a disproportionate percentage of Malaysia's doctors, lawyers, veterinarians, accountants, and engineers well exceeding their respective population ratios compared to Bumiputera. Ethnic Chinese are estimated to comprise the bulk of Malaysia's professional and educated class, as well as accounting for 61% of private-sector administrative and managerial positions.

According to a February 2011 study, in 2008, 46.2% of Chinese Malaysians worked as registered professionals compared to 41.2% for Bumiputera. Chinese Malaysian participation in the white-collar labor force showed a significant decrease from 61.0% in 1970 to just 48.7% in 2005 but the overall 2008 figure remained the highest registration percentage among all major ethnic groups in Malaysia.

Ethnic Chinese are estimated to control 60% of Malaysia's national income. As a result, they are the biggest taxpayers among all ethnic groups in the country. Chinese Malaysians also contribute almost 90 percent of the country's income tax.

Since the distribution of Chinese income is more highly skewed than that of Malays, Chinese income is 177% higher than Malay income. Mean Chinese business income is almost five times as large as mean Malay business income, but median business income for Malay households exceeds median Chinese business income from business ventures. Malaysian Chinese have the highest household income among the three major ethnic groups in Malaysia. According to Sulaiman Mahbob, as of December 2007, the monthly average household income was at 4,437 ringgit.

Since early settlement during the 15th century, Chinese Malaysians are considered one of the wealthiest ethnic groups in Malaysia and have been more prosperous than other ethnic communities in Malaysia. In February 2001, Malaysian Business released its list of the 20 richest Malaysians. Sixteen of the 20 and 9 of the top 10 were ethnic Chinese. A number of other wealthy Chinese outside the top 20 also control well-managed corporations. According to a 2011 Forbes magazine list, eight out of the top ten richest Malaysians are ethnic Chinese. According to economic data compiled by the Malaysian daily Nanyang Siang Pau in 2012, ethnic Chinese make up 80 percent of Malaysia's top 40 richest people.

Chinese Malaysians played a major role in the development of the tin, petroleum, and rubber industries and also continue to own 85 percent of Malaysian retail outlets. Chinese-owned mines produced nearly two-thirds of the tin in Malaysia. Many used their savings to open small businesses, where some grew into large enterprises. Typically, many of their enterprises have been family-controlled and family-run. In 1964, Sino-Malaysians accounted for 91.7% of the private corporate holdings in Malaysia and ownership of the Malaysian gravel pump and small-scale tin mines were completely placed in the hands of ethnic Chinese entrepreneurs. By 1970, glaring economic disparity between the Malays and Chinese was wide as Malaysian Chinese entrepreneurs were estimated to control 26% of the assets in the corporate sector, 26.2% of the manufacturing and 92.2% of the non-corporate sector. Malaysian Chinese entrepreneurs operate as a more urban business community, dominating trade and commerce, primarily tin mining and agriculture.

They are also dominant in both business and commerce sectors in Malaysia, where 70 percent of publicly listed companies were under Chinese ownership. Chinese in Malaysia are estimated to control 50% of the construction sector, 82% of wholesale trade, 58% of retail trade, 40% of the manufacturing sector, and 70% of the small-scale enterprises. In 2002, the Chinese Malaysian share of the overall Malaysian economy stood at 40% since the implementation of the Malaysian New Economic Policy and the Chinese share in the non-agricultural sector fell from 51.3% to 45.9% from 1970 to 1980. Despite efforts to reduce the share of Chinese entrepreneurial dominance, the overall Chinese share of the Malaysian economy increased to 60% in 2008. Chinese Malaysian businessmen are estimated to occupy 34.9% of Malaysia's LLC companies, the highest percentage of ownership among the 3 major ethnic groups in Malaysia. In order to seek extra funding and seed money for potential business start-ups, many Malaysian Chinese entrepreneurs have turned to the Malaysian Stock Exchange for business expansion and potential IPOs. Chinese Malaysians are estimated to control 62% percent of the stock market. In 1995, the seven biggest investors in the Kuala Lumpur Stock Exchange were all ethnic Chinese, with 90 percent of the smaller and younger companies on the second exchange of the KLSE are also Chinese controlled. Malaysian Chinese businesses are part of the larger bamboo network, a network of overseas Chinese businesses operating in the markets of Southeast Asia that share common family and cultural ties.

In 2005, Malaysian Chinese owned 69.4% of the business complexes, 71.9% of all commercial and industrial real estate, as well as 69.3% of all the hotels in Malaysia, reflecting Chinese control over the various business and commercial establishments around the nation.

However, the underprivileged section of the Malaysian Chinese continue to be excluded from affirmative-action programmes despite their genuine need for support in obtaining employment, government subsidized education, and housing. This perception of a zero-sum game amongst the races has unfortunately fueled protests by frustrated sections of the hitherto quiescent community – who consequentially faced a heavy-handed response from the authorities. Recently, the Malaysian government has at least pledged to change this by increasing assistance to needy Malaysians regardless of race, creed, or national origin.

Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia grants the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (King of Malaysia) responsibility for “safeguard[ing] the special position of the ‘Malays’ and natives of any of the States of Sabah and Sarawak and the legitimate interests of other communities” and goes on to specify ways to do this, such as establishing quotas for entry into the civil service, public scholarships and public education.

Partly in line with the constitution, Malaysia has devised a long-standing policy of providing affirmative action to Bumiputeras (ethnic Malays and indigenous people of East Malaysia) which spans over four decades. Affirmative action is provided in the form of the Malaysian New Economic Policy or what is now known as the National Development Policy Under such affirmative action, various concessions are made to Bumiputeras. Amongst many other concessions, 70% of seats in public universities are to be allocated to Bumiputeras, all initial public offerings (IPOs) must set aside a 30% share for Bumiputera investors and monetary support is provided to Bumiputeras for entrepreneurial development.

Malaysia's population comprises many ethnic groups. People of Austronesian origin make a majority of the population, and are known as the Bumiputras. Large Chinese and Indian minorities also exist. Malays, as Bumiputra, see Malaysia as their land, and since race riots in 1969 Bumiputra have been especially privileged in Malaysia.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malaysian_Chinese

Thai Chinese


Thai Chinese are Thai citizens of Chinese, primarily Han Chinese, origin. Thailand is home to the largest overseas Chinese community in the world and is also the oldest, most prominent, and well integrated overseas Chinese community in the world with a population of approximately nine million people, accounting for 14% of the Thai population as of 2012.The Thai-Chinese have been deeply ingrained into all elements of Thai society for the past 400 years. The present Thai royal family, the Chakri Dynasty, was founded by King Rama I who himself was partly Chinese. His predecessor, King Taksin of Thonburi dynastry, was the son of a Chinese immigrant from Guangdong Province and a Thai mother. Nearly all Thai Chinese identify themselves completely as Thai due to the highly successful integration of Chinese communities into Thai society. Descendants of most ennobled Chinese in Thailand are among the leading Thai families today.

Thai Chinese are well represented in all levels of Thai society and make up a disproportionate percentage of Thailand's business and upper class. They play a leading role in the Thai business and commerce sector. The Thai Chinese business class is also dominant in the Thai finance sector. Thai Chinese are also well represented in the Thai political scene and most of Thai Prime Ministers were at least of partial Chinese origin.

The Chinese in Thailand also suffered discrimination between the 1930s to 1950s under the military dictatorship of Prime Minister Plaek Phibunsongkhram, (in spite of being part-Chinese himself). State corporations took over commodities such as rice, tobacco and petroleum, and Chinese businesses found themselves subject to a range of new taxes and controls. Nevertheless, the Chinese were still encouraged to become Thai citizens, and by 1970 it was estimated that more than 90 percent of the Chinese born in Thailand had done so. In 1975, diplomatic relations were established with China.

British East India Company agent John Crawfurd used detailed Company censuses kept on Prince of Wales's Island (present-day Penang) from 1815 to 1824 to report specifically on the economic aptitude of the 8595 Chinese there as compared to others. He uses the data to estimate the Chinese — about five-sixths of whom were unmarried men in the prime of life — as equivalent to an ordinary population of above 37,000, and ...to a numerical Malay population of more than 80,000! He surmised this and other differences noted as providing, "a very just estimate of the comparative state of civilization among nations, or, which is the same thing, of the respective merits of their different social institutions."

Of the five billionaires in Thailand in the late 20th century, 100 percent were all ethnic Chinese or of partial Chinese descent. On 17 March 2012, Mr. Chaleo Yoovidhya, of humble Chinese origin, died while listed on Forbes list of billionaires as 205th in the world and 3rd in the nation, with an estimated net worth of US $5 billion.

In 2013, the new #3 on the list of Thais by net worth was Charoen Sirivadhanabhakdi, chief stockholder of multinational conglomerates ThaiBev and Fraser and Neave, having a personal net worth estimated at $6bn (£3.8bn; €4.4bn.) The sixth of 11 children of a poor street vendor who migrated to Bangkok from southern China, Mr Charoen continued to speak Teochew, his native Chinese dialect, as well as Thai.

Mid-twentieth-century Thailand was isolationist, its economy mired in state-owned enterprises. Over the next several decades, internationalization and market-oriented policies led to the dramatic emergence of a massive export-oriented, large-scale manufacturing sector, which in turn jump-started the economy joining the Tiger Cub Economies. Economic impact remains out proportion to their numbers. Virtually all of the new manufacturing establishments were Chinese controlled. Despite Thai-affirmative action based policies in the 1930s, 70% of the retailing outlets and 80 to 90 percent of the rice mills were controlled by ethnic Chinese. A survey of Thailand's roughly seventy most powerful business groups found that all but three were owned by Thai Chinese. Although Bangkok has its own Chinatown, Chinese influence is much more pervasive and subtle throughout the city. The Chinese control more than 80 per cent of companies listed on the stock market. Kukrit Pramoj, the aristocratic former prime minister and distant relative of the royal family, once said that most Thais had a Chinese "hanging somewhere on their family tree." In Thailand it is said that 50 ethnic Chinese families controlled most of the country’s business sectors or 81 to 90 percent of the overall market capitalization of the Thai economy.

Highly publicized profiles of Chinese enterprise attracted great public interest and were used to illustrate the community’s strong economic presence. More than 80% of top 40 richest people in Thailand are Thai of full or partly Chinese descent. Thai Chinese entrepreneurs are influential in the sectors of real estate, agriculture, banking and finance, as well as wholesale trading. From an economic standpoint, Overseas Chinese are seen as a fraction of the wealth they have created and added to the host country's economy, and representing what the Chinese have spent on themselves and their families. In the late 1950s, ethnic Chinese comprised 70% of Bangkok's business owners and senior business managers and to 90 percent of the shares in Thai corporations are said to be held by Thais of Chinese extraction. 90 percent of Thailand's industrial and commercial capital are also held by ethnic Chinese. 90% of all investments in the industry and commercial sector and at least 50% of all investments in the banking and finance sectors is controlled by ethnic Chinese. Economic advantages would also persist as Thai Chinese controlled 80 to 90 percent of the rice mills, the largest enterprises in the nation. In 1890, despite British shipping domination in Bangkok. Chinese conducted 62 percent of the import-export business, operating for agents for Western shippers as well as their own. They also dominated rubber industry, market gardening, sugar production, and fish exporting.

Of the 25 leading entrepreneurs in the Thai business sector, 23 are ethnic Chinese or of partial Chinese origin. Thai Chinese also control 96 percent of Thailand's 70 most powerful business groups with the exceptions being the Thai Military Bank, the Crown Property Bureau, and a Thai-Indian corporation. Family firms are extremely common in the Thai business sector as they are passed down from one generation to the next. 90 percent of Thailand’s manufacturing sector and 50 percent of Thailand’s service sector is controlled by ethnic Chinese. According to a Financial Statistics of the 500 Largest Public Companies in Asia Controlled by Overseas Chinese in 1994 chart released by sociologist Dr. Henry Yeung of the National University of Singapore, 39 companies were concentrated in Thailand with a market capitalization of 35 billion and total assets of 94 billion US. In Thailand, ethnic Chinese control the four largest private banks, of which Bangkok Bank is the largest and most profitable private bank in the region.

Thai Chinese businesses are part of the larger bamboo network, a network of overseas Chinese businesses operating in the markets of Southeast Asia that share common family and cultural ties. Following the 1997 Asian financial crisis, structural reforms imposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) on Indonesia and Thailand led to the loss of many monopolistic positions long held by the ethnic Chinese elite. Nevertheless, Thai Chinese are estimated to own 60 percent of the national trade, 90 percent of all local investments in the commercial sector, 90 percent of all local investments in the manufacturing sector, and 50 percent of all local investments in the banking and finance sector.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thai_Chinese

Overseas Chinese

Overseas Chinese have often experienced hostility and discrimination.

In countries with small Chinese minorities, the economic disparity can be remarkable. For example, in 1998, ethnic Chinese made up just 1% of the population of the Philippines and 4% of the population in Indonesia, but controlled as much as 60% of the Philippines private economy and roughly 70% of the Indonesian private economy. The book World on Fire, describing the Chinese as a "market-dominant minority", notes that "Chinese market dominance and intense resentment amongst the indigenous majority is characteristic of virtually every country in Southeast Asia except Thailand and Singapore".

This asymmetrical economic position has incited anti-Chinese sentiment among the poorer majorities. Sometimes the anti-Chinese attitudes turn violent, such as the May 13 Incident in Malaysia in 1969 and the Jakarta riots of May 1998 in Indonesia, in which more than 2,000 people died, mostly rioters burned to death in a shopping mall. During the colonial era, some genocides killed tens of thousands of Chinese.

During the Indonesian killings of 1965–66, in which more than 500,000 people died, ethnic Chinese were killed and their properties looted and burned as a result of anti-Chinese racism on the excuse that Dipa "Amat" Aidit had brought the PKI closer to China. The anti-Chinese legislation was in the Indonesian constitution until 1998.

Ethnic politics can be found to motivate both sides of the debate. In Malaysia, overseas Chinese tend to support equal and meritocratic treatment on the expectation that they would not be discriminated against in the resulting competition for government contracts, university places, etc., whereas many "Bumiputra" ("native sons") Malays oppose this on the grounds that their group needs such protections in order to retain their patrimony. The question of to what extent ethnic Malays, Chinese, or others are "native" to Malaysia is a sensitive political one. It is currently a taboo for Chinese politicians to raise the issue of Bumiputra protections in parliament, as this would be deemed ethnic incitement.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Overseas_C ... experience

Da se poslužim citatom odozgora i završim za danas.

Dennis Tompkins iz ministarstva obrazovanja države New York studiju drži "uznemirujućom, ali ne i iznenađujućom" te zaključuje "pred našom zemljom, državom i školskim ustanovama mnogo je posla".

Mašini u Rusiji

1959: 880,443 −1.2%
1970: 816,668 −7.2%
1979: 713,399 −12.6%
1989: 570,467 −20.0%
2002: 265,000 −53.5%
2010: 159,348 −39.9%

Bliži se NULA!

A mašini su?

Židovi

Židovi se puno promjenili poslije izgradnje onog zida. Počeli i sharia vlade oko sebe podržavati. Sve će im se to o glavu tresnuti, ne smiju spavati.

Povijesno promaknuće
Generalica Garašić u Kabulu će brinuti o rodnoj ravnopravnosti


Odlazi u Afganistan gdje će preuzeti mjesto savjetnice zapovjednika operacije ISAF za rodna pitanja (GENAD – gender advisor).

http://www.vecernji.hr/hrvatska/general ... sti-931001

http://www.vecernji.hr/hrvatska/gordana ... ske-930651

http://www.vecernji.hr/hrvatska/gordana ... ske-623579

Povijesni dan.

Veliki dan za malu Hrvatsku.

Dočekali smo i mi prvu generalicu!

Za rodna pitanja.

Počeli su se i s vojskom zajebavati ti NATO ludaci...

Promaknite i vi jednu pa ih možemo ujedinjeni u bratstvu poslati u Ukrajinu da rodno propituju Ruse ako ovi krenu dalje.



Neka se pridruže klubu...

Ne sumnjam da će takvo nešto uslijediti.

Ali vojska je malo zajebana stvar, posebno ako se koristi, jer radi stvaran posao koji mora da se zna, ratovanje.

Možeš ti u vodoinstalatersku firmu da zaposliš gomilu kontrolora gender pitanja, ali kad ti jednom pukne cijev, najebo si.

Pa u tome i je poanta.

Samo komentarišem ono što si okačio slažući se s tvojim stavom :)

A ja se u nastavku slažem s tvojim stavom koji se slaže s mojim stavom.

Ako ovako nastavimo doživjet ćemo "trenutak" i postat "napredni" pa će tema bit o nama.