Ankete nisu pogriješile u ukupnom broju glasova. Torijevci i labour su tu negdje no sustav nije proporcionalan već first pass the post. Tu se može teoretski dogoditi da jedna stranka dobije više glasova a manje mjesta od druge.

The Guardian’s final pre-election projection of the polls had the Conservatives and Labour tied on 273 seats each.

To se neće dogoditi.

I love the song in the background, fits the video perfectly.

Pisalo se po novinama pre nekoliko meseci da su u SNP najavili da mogu proglase nezavisnost Škotske i bez referenduma, ako budu imali kvalifikovanu većinu u škotskom parlamentu.

Kada su izbori za njihov parlament?

Why did Labour lose this election? It never tried to win it

Ed Miliband was the wrong leader with the wrong programme

By Dan Hodges 6:50AM BST 08 May 2015 675 Comments

The reason the Labour Party has just lost the 2015 general election is that the Labour Party didn’t try to win the 2015 general election. It wanted to win. Oh yes, it wanted to win desperately.

In the same way I once desperately wanted to play in goal for England. But I didn’t really do all that much to bring that dream about. I didn’t make any sacrifices. I didn’t put in the long hours or the hard yards. I dreamt. And that was it.

Since 2010 Labour has found itself at a series of crossroads. Some presented it with a tough and difficult path. But a path that potentially led to power. Others presented an easier, less arduous route. But they led to political oblivion. And on each occasion, Labour chose the path most travelled.

In 2010 it had a choice of two leaders. The opinion polls clearly showed one was favoured by the British people. So Labour chose the one favoured by the trade unions.

Once that leader was elected he was urged to put in place a professional, seasoned team around him. But he chose instead to surround himself with inexperienced ideological soul mates.

He was urged to confront head-on the political failures of the past, in particular, the previous Labour government’s record of economic management. But he chose instead to defend it.

He was told the deficit – and a commitment to reducing it – would define the politics of the parliament. But he decided this represented an abstraction, something unrelated to the lives of “ordinary people”.
He was told to start to construct a serious program for government. He opted instead for a series of slogans – “the jilted generation”, “One Nation”, “Britain deserves better”, etc.

He was told that in order to win he had to anchor his party firmly in the political centre. Instead, he decided to position it where it felt most comfortable, on the left.

Above all, he was told that to win he would have to reach out beyond his – and his party’s – comfort zone, and build a broad political alliance. Instead he decided he could coast into power with 35 per cent of the vote.

Later today Ed Miliband will resign as Labour leader. And correctly, because he bears ultimate responsibility for the political calamity that has befallen his party.

But he doesn’t bear sole responsibility. At every moment, as he has stood at each crossroads, his party has urged him on. “Go on Ed. Go that way. It’s easier. It’s safer”.

Over the coming days a myth will begin to develop. How actually, Ed Miliband was too bold as a leader. He took on the press, didn’t he? He took on the banks? He took on the energy companies?
Yes, he did. But why did he do it? He did it because he knew that was they way to get the plaudits of his party ringing in his ears. Popular with the voters? Maybe, maybe not. But that didn’t matter. Would it be popular with the tribe? Would it be popular with the 35 per cent? That was always the litmus test.

Well, it passed that test. The Millifans formed their fan club. “Let’s Kick Cameron Out” started trending on Twitter. Russell Brand opened the door to his penthouse flat – and his arms and his heart.
And yet Labour still lost. A loss on a scale even greater than the scarring loss of 1992. Despite boundaries effectively rigged in its favour. Despite Lib Dem refugees swarming into its ranks. Despite Ukip creating havoc within the parliamentary Conservative party. Despite Ed Miliband supposedly not having to “get out of bed” to secure 40 per cent of the vote.

Maybe Labour was always destined to lose. Maybe it was always going to be impossible to win immediately after being kicked out of office.

But we’ll never know. Because Labour never even gave itself a chance. Instead it chose the wrong leader, gave him the wrong team, deployed the wrong narrative, pursued the wrong priorities, adopted slogans instead of a policy program, moved away from the political centre and – crucially – tried to win without winning.
A member of the shadow cabinet just told me “we’ve now got two years to save this party”. Actually trying to win the 2020 general election would be a good place to start.

Ne pratim nešto situaciju tamo. Jel su konzervativci ispunili išta od obećanja o još većoj devoluciji koje su dali par dana pre referenduma? Ako ih budu zajebali oko toga, a ne bi me čudilo da to urade, to je jako lep način da zatruju odnose.

Svaki put kad neki ljevičar zaplače, jedan anđeo dobije krila.

Svaki put kad neki ljevičar zaplače, jedan anđeo dobije krila.